Inside the bunker: How a Zelensky aide struggled to explain away corruption
A senior official in Vladimir Zelensky’s office frantically tried to reconcile her official annual salary of $12,500 with what surveillance records suggest was $30,000 per month in cash payments received from her new boss, a former head of Ukraine’s Military Intelligence (HUR), according to a new investigation.
In records published by veteran investigative journalist Vladimir Boyko, Irina Mudraya, a former deputy justice minister serving as deputy head of Zelensky’s office, allegedly confided in her property magnate accomplice: “Who will ever believe me that I live on 50,000 hryvnia [$1,100] a month? Who?”
Mudraya was fired in August after being accused of laundering millions through Ukraine’s banking system to bail out one of Zelensky’s energy ministers, who himself had been arrested in a separate case involving the Ukrainian leader’s long-time associate Timur Mindich.
Boyko has been publishing pages of what he says are transcripts of surveillance recordings produced by the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) between January and June as detectives followed Mudraya and her partner, former MP Maksim Mikitas.
Who is tasked with countering corruption in Kiev?
NABU and its sister agency, the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO), established after the armed coup of 2014, have repeatedly clashed with Zelensky’s cabal. Last year, the Ukrainian leader attempted to place them under his control, but reversed course after Western donors threatened to suspend all aid.
Most recently the agencies exposed a massive scam-call center protection racket that was run through the office of Prosecutor General Ruslan Kravchenko, who then fled abroad under the false pretense of attending a conference in Paris.
Earlier this month, HUR agents engaged in a gunfight in Kiev with agents from the rival Security Service of Ukraine (SBU), which some news outlets linked to the fight for protection money from the scam-call criminal businesses.
Aside from NABU and SAPO, the National Agency on Corruption Prevention (NAPK) obliges hundreds of thousands of civil servants to submit annual finance and property declarations.
What did Mudraya have to worry about, according to the transcripts?
According to the transcripts, Mudraya received some $30,000 a month in cash payments from a man she called “Kirill Alekseyevich.”
Zelensky appointed Kirill Budanov, whose patronymic is Alekseyevich, as head of his office in January, replacing Andrey Yermak. Yermak resigned last year as initial news broke of Zelensky insiders syphoning some $100 million through energy contracts.
Mudraya appeared to seek advice from her partner Mitkas on hiding her ill-gotten riches from NAPK.
“You can declare the Bvlgaris and at least the Van Cleef. But no way can you declare the earrings,” the man said. “I’ll put you in touch with a man who will handle the income issue.”
Buying a Van Cleef piece during the war with Russia was “f**ked up,” Mudraya admitted.
The exchanges, which Boyko has staked his reputation on, suggest senior officials were flying under NAPK’s radar.
Mudraya and Mikitas discussed securing a highly paid sinecure that could cover for her enormous under-the-table income. She mentioned her envy of Zelensky’s adviser on sanctions policy, Vladislav Vlasyuk, who she said officially earned $335,000 a year as a member of the oversight committee of state-owned Sense Bank.
Sense Bank is the former Ukrainian branch of Alfa Bank, nationalized in 2023 under Kiev’s anti-Russian sanctions and through which Mudraya allegedly laundered cash by having the bank’s anti-fraud team suspend their digital monitoring platform.
While Mudraya said netting a job like Vlasyuk’s would not be legally possible, Mikitas suggested that a teaching position at a private institution could serve the same purpose. He offered to speak to a friend who headed a construction university, but Mudraya said she would look ridiculous teaching anything other than law.
Does the corruption link reach upwards?
According to the recording, Mudraya’s new boss personally delivered her first “salary,” unlike his predecessor who had a “specially trained girl” to carry cash. The payout turned out to be larger than expected:
“It was 30 [thousand dollars]. I went to him and said: ‘Kirill, it’s too much.’ Brought the hat with me. He says: ‘You said 30.’ I say: ‘No, I said I used to get 30. But we agreed to 20, not 30.’ He said: ‘Well, I won’t take it back.’”
Subsequent transcripts suggest the higher monthly payments continued and that Mudraya received an additional $20,000 bonus in May.
“He values you a lot,” Mikitas concluded. “Mark my word, in two months you’ll become first deputy prime minister,” he added, saying he expected “Kirill” to become the new cabinet chair.
What could the leaks mean for Budanov?
Some Ukrainian media have argued that NABU is targeting Zelensky’s inner circle to leverage reforms demanded by the EU.
Bloomberg reported that European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen had a “tense meeting” with Zelensky this week, conditioning further financial support on implementing the changes Kiev had promised to Brussels.
Reform would give more power to NABU and SAPO and introduce oversight by EU-aligned experts for appointments of senior officials, curbing Zelensky’s extensive influence and the corrupt network he runs through his inner circle.
NABU and SAPO accused Yermak of involvement in a major money-laundering scheme in May and leaks to pro-EU media implicated Zelensky himself.
No formal charges can be filed against Zelensky as long as he holds presidential powers, which he has attempted to retain under martial law since his term expired in 2024.
Replacing Zelensky’s personal friend Yermak with Budanov, who has extensive contacts among Western special services, seems to be consistent with the EU’s goals.
