The administration of US President Donald Trump is looking to sell more energy resources, mainly oil and LNG, to India, which has been hit by the disruptions in the Strait of Hormuz. US Ambassador Sergio Gor told Bloomberg that India “has been receptive to diversification” of its sources of energy imports, which means “buying more American energy.”

“People have been very receptive to buying from the United States, and we’ve been very happy with that,” Gor said, according to Bloomberg.

Gor’s comments come days before Secretary of State Marco Rubio is due to visit New Delhi next week. The US has long tried to pressure India to stop oil imports from Russia, which has been the nation’s largest energy supplier since 2022.

Earlier this year, the Trump administration imposed punitive tariffs on Indian goods, linking them to trade with Russia. The tariffs were later removed as part of a deal announced by Trump and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Under a preliminary trade agreement, the US cut tariffs on Indian goods from 50% to 18% in exchange for India halting purchases of Russian oil.

The Indian government has been under pressure to secure energy imports amid disruptions in the Strait of Hormuz caused by the US-Israeli war against Iran. New Delhi is considering a series of measures, including a fuel price hike and restrictions on non-essential spending, to shield its foreign exchange reserves from soaring oil prices linked to the conflict.

Responding to a question about pressure on India as a result of the war, Gor blamed Iran for closing the strait. “The blame is not on the United States,” he told Bloomberg, adding that the US Treasury Department has allowed India to buy Russian oil, which would otherwise be subject to sanctions.

India, the world’s third-largest oil buyer, relies on imports for around 85% of its oil needs, making it vulnerable to rising energy prices and disruptions to supplies through the Strait of Hormuz.

Russia-India relations, underpinned by their status as a privileged strategic partnership, are emerging as a benchmark for bilateral cooperation between major powers. The rapid growth in mutual trade and the ambitious goal of reaching a total volume of $100 billion by 2030 indicate a significant new phase.

However, the sustainability and depth of such growth in the long term will be determined not only by trade flows or joint infrastructure projects but also by the ability to create a shared educational and scientific-technological space.

The development strategy for the Russian Far East holds particular significance, representing a point of mutual interest for both Moscow and New Delhi. Russia sees this region as a strategic priority due to its enormous natural resources, its role as the main logistics hub in the Asia-Pacific region, and the importance of strengthening its eastern borders.

India, in turn, views the Far East as a promising direction for investment and expanding its economic influence in Asia. However, despite mutual interest, many promising intergovernmental agreements, including the Program of Russian-Indian Cooperation in Trade, Economic, and Investment Spheres in the Far East of the Russian Federation for 2024-2029, and the agreement on cooperation principles in the Arctic Zone of the Russian Federation, signed by ministers from both countries, lack notable successful implementation examples. 

Attracting foreign workers represents the main solution to this workforce shortage. The existing influx of labor migration of Indian citizens to Russia, which has grown from 8,000 to 36,200 work permits in recent years, is predominantly low-skilled and does not solve the problem of personnel shortages for high-tech segments. Solving this requires moving beyond targeted labor migration toward a comprehensive system of training and subsequent retention of specialists whose competencies meet the specific demands of the Far Eastern economy.

Academic exchange between Russia and India needs fundamental restructuring. Despite an impressive 58.9% growth in the number of Indian students in Russia from 2022 to 2024, there is a serious structural imbalance. More than 95% of students are majoring exclusively in medicine. After completing their education, the majority of graduates return to India without integrating into Russian society and the economy, which minimizes the long-term effect of this educational export.

Paradoxically, entire fields that are hugely popular among Indian applicants in the US, EU, and Australia are virtually unrepresented in Russia. These include critically important areas for technological development such as new materials production, transport engineering, medical chemistry and instrumentation, and information technology. This imbalance is exacerbated by a poorly developed network of inter-university agreements. Compared to the well-established partnerships with Chinese universities, including numerous joint programs and even institutes, interaction with Indian universities appears less intensive. This highlights a strategic weakness in how Russian education is positioned in the Indian market and the absence of targeted, industry-oriented offerings.

This information gap slows practical cooperation in agriculture, logistics, and other areas despite existing political will and framework agreements.

Far Eastern Federal University (FEFU) has been contributing to the process of bridging this gap. It emerged as a unique platform that combines academic traditions of the Oriental Institute, founded in 1899, with the demands of modern economic diplomacy and technological development. As the largest university in the macro-region and a recognized leader in Asian studies in Russia, FEFU serves as a strategic operator for implementing state policies in these fields. 

A pilot model for diversifying scientific and educational cooperation between Russia and India could be the integration of science, education, and production in the agro-industrial complex, which can serve as a benchmark for other sectors. The Far East’s potential in agriculture is enormous: beyond crop production, it includes the development of greenhouse farms and the fishing industry, which saw a 7% increase in transportation in 2025. However, realizing this potential is impossible without modern biotechnologies and specialists skilled in deep processing methods, bioengineering, and aquaculture. FEFU has developed a unique model in partnership with industry leaders, where real manufacturing cases are incorporated into curricula and students can take up internships and participate in joint R&D.

Thus, the strategic priority for the Russian-Indian partnership today is moving beyond trade and isolated projects toward sustainable collaborative ecosystems, with education at their heart. The development of a network of specialized joint educational programs, especially in priority areas for the Far East (agriculture, IT, construction, logistics, tourism), is a direct path to solving the personnel deficit, diversifying the flow of Indian students and, most importantly, forming a common generation of professionals. These specialists will not only possess modern competencies but also serve as living bridges connecting the economies and societies of the two countries.

India has responded to remarks by Dutch Prime Minister Rob Jetten on press freedom and minority rights, saying that the comments stem from a “lack of understanding” of the country’s democratic and civilizational nature.

Jetten said the Netherlands has concerns “not just about press freedom” in India, but also about “the rights of minorities, which are under severe pressure there,” adding that these issues are “regularly raised” with New Delhi, Dutch newspaper De Volkskrant reported.

Sibi George, a senior diplomat in the Indian Foreign Ministry, said such criticism of India often stems from inadequate knowledge about its social and democratic fabric. “We face these kinds of questions basically because of the lack of understanding of the person who asks the question,” he added.

George noted that India, the world’s most populous country with 1.4 billion people, has a civilization dating back 5,000 years, saying: “It’s a diverse country – diversity in terms of culture, diversity in terms of languages, diversity in terms of food, diversity in terms of religion.”

“There is no other country in the world where four religions have originated,” George said. Four major religions – Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism, and Sikhism – originated in India and continue to flourish there.

The Jewish community has lived in the country for over 2,500 years without persecution, he said, adding that Christianity and Islam have also prospered in the South Asian nation for centuries.

At the time of independence, minorities constituted 11% of the total population, a figure that has risen to more than 20%.

After meeting Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi at the weekend, Jetten posted on social media that both countries attach “great importance to democracy, good governance and a world order based on rules and justice.”

Jetten’s remarks are not the first time Western nations and organizations have made accusations against India.

In March, the US Commission on International Religious Freedom called for sanctions on India’s external intelligence agency and a social service organization for allegedly violating religious freedom.

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen has vowed to sign an India-EU trade deal by the end of the year.

The pact, which would create a free trade zone of 2 billion people, and which has been stalled for nearly 20 years, was finally agreed upon in January. At the time, von der Leyen claimed the agreement would be the “mother of all deals.”

Meeting on Monday with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Swedish Prime Minister Ulf Kristerssonat at the European Round Table for Industry in Gothenburg, the EU chief also promised to make the deal fully operational “at record speed.”

“The trade agreement opened the door; an investment agreement walks us through this door,” she said.

Bilateral trade between India and the EU reached approximately $136 billion in 2024-25, making the bloc India’s largest goods trading partner.

India’s Commerce Ministry said the pact, further deepening economic and strategic ties, will result in export growth to the tune of $76 billion from Indian states to the EU.

Previously, India raised objections to what it sees as non-tariff barriers imposed by the EU and affecting steel, aluminium, and cement exports. The trade deal will enable India to have flexibility on carbon tax, according to reports.

A similar upgrade to the India-Netherlands relationship was reached during Modi’s meeting with the Dutch prime minister, Rob Jetten. As of 2025, bilateral trade between India and Sweden was estimated at $7.75 billion.

New Delhi and Stockholm also held discussions on widening collaboration in trade and investment, technology and innovation, green transition, space, emerging technologies, and defense and security, apart from people-to-people ties.

Modi pitched India as an investment destination to an array of leading European chief executives, including the leaders of Vodafone, Ericsson, Nokia, TotalEnergies, Nestle, and Unilever.

He urged them to make investment pledges to India over the next five years by invoking the recently concluded India-EU Free Trade agreement.

The Indian prime minister also invited Swedish companies to enhance their presence under the Make in India initiative and held talks with Maersk chairman Robert Maersk Uggla to discuss investment opportunities in ports and logistics.

China maintained the upper hand during US President Donald Trump’s visit to Beijing this week. He visibly tried to ingratiate himself with Chinese President Xi Jinping, but his counterpart made no attempt to reciprocate.

Trump has been heaping praise on Xi personally as a great leader and has vaunted his personal ties with him. He laid it thick at the start of formal delegation-level talks in Beijing, eliciting a smile from the normally impassive Xi who, in turn, did not feel the need to play to audience.

Trump is not particularly popular in China and Xi would have not have wanted, in any case, to unnecessarily rehabilitate him in the public eye in China.

Earlier, during the welcome ceremony at the Great Hall of the People, Trump made several overtly warm physical gestures toward Xi, but the Chinese leader remained formal and impassive. By acting as a suitor, Trump effectively handed Xi the political and psychological upper hand.

Trump effectively cast himself as someone who had come to seek favors from China. His boast that only the number ones, not number twos of top American corporations were accompanying him hardly projected strength, coming after years of Washington’s (and Trump’s own) tirades against China’s business practices, alleged “rip‑offs” of US consumers, and technology theft. This, despite the fact that Trump had imposed sweeping tariffs on Chinese goods and moved to restrict the flow of advanced technology, especially chips, to China.

From the media coverage of the visit, it does not seem that the Chinese side felt overwhelmed by the composition of Trump’s delegation. The emphasis in the reporting was on Trump’s praise for Xi, China’s rising stature, the US engaging China as an equal global power, setting a new framework of cooperation, and Trump visiting China when he was relatively weak domestically and needing trade deals before the mid-term elections.

Normally, before a visit of this importance, which has been under preparation for many months, the two sides begin working on a joint statement that would list the agreed-upon outcomes. In this case, no joint statement has been issued, which means that on many contentious points, the differences between the two sides could not be bridged.

The Taiwan issue is especially divisive; an agreed formulation on Iran, with the US being the initiator of the war and also militarily blockading the Strait of Hormuz, would have been difficult (China has been vetoing one-sided resolutions in the UN Security Council, prompted by the US). The same goes for the South China Sea and many other issues, including sanctions, tariffs and trade disbalance. All this signifies that the visit did not produce definable concrete results.

Ways to enhance bilateral economic cooperation  were discussed, including by expanding American businesses’ access to Chinese markets and increasing Chinese investment in US industries. Higher Chinese purchases of American agricultural products was discussed, but no figures for corn, soya beans, sorghum, beef etc. are mentioned, though in his public remarks Trump said China had agreed to buy 200 Boeing jets and US oil as well.

US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent has told the American media that the US and China have also discussed forming a “Board of Trade” and “Board of Investment” to oversee commerce between the two countries.

Some understandings seem to have been reached but not anything major, as Xi speaks of the economic and trade teams having reached a generally balanced and positive outcome, which is a low-key formulation, contrary to Trump’s claim to have “achieved a fantastic trade agreement.” Xi has said that China will only continue to open up. 

That China expressed interest in purchasing more American oil to reduce China’s dependence on the Strait in the future is not only not a commitment it is ironical too, as the US has sanctioned China’s “tinpot refineries” buying Iranian oil and has ended the flourishing oil ties between Venezuela and China.

It is hard to believe that both countries genuinely agreed Iran can “never” have a nuclear weapon, given that this is the central justification for the US‑Israeli war on Iran. China, as a former JCPOA party, would in any case be reluctant to see Iran go nuclear because of the regional fallout. Trump’s claim that Xi said during their summit that Beijing would not provide military equipment to Iran sounds rather more like what Washington would like to hear – as also is the case with China’s purported military-tech support for Russia.

In response to Trump’s claim that Xi Jinping had offered China’s help in reaching a settlement with Iran, the Chinese Foreign Ministry set out Beijing’s position at some length. It said that China recognizes that the conflict has put a heavy strain on global economic growth, supply chains, international trade order and the stability of the global energy supply. It added that there is no point in continuing this conflict, which should not have happened in the first place, and that dialogue and negotiation are the right way forward while the use force is a dead end. It called for a settlement of the Iranian nuclear issue and other issues that accommodate the concerns of all parties, a comprehensive and lasting ceasefire as soon as possible, and laying the foundation for building a sustainable security architecture for the region.

The US didn’t mention Taiwan in its readout of the meeting. Trump acknowledged to the US media that Xi had raised the issue forcefully, including that of US arms supplies to Taiwan, but he listened and did not respond. Trump has since also equivocated on defending Taiwan and executive approval of $14 billion of arms aid to Taiwan cleared by the US Congress. He has also called on Taiwan and China to “cool it”, meaning avoiding provocations. 

The Chinese readout of the Xi-Trump summit has a hard, realistic and demanding edge to it. The emphasis is on a relationship based on equality. Centrality is given to US handling of the Taiwan issue, with Xi warning that it must be treated with utmost caution. If handled well, bilateral relations can maintain overall stability, but if handled poorly it can lead to confrontation and even conflict, pushing the entire relationship into a very dangerous situation. This has implications for Trump’s decision on the $14 billion arms package for Taiwan approved by the US Congress.

When Xi speaks about an agreement to establish a “constructive and stable relationship between China and the US,” it implies that the provocations have come from the US and that China is a victim. This is the usual Chinese tactic of placing the responsibility for handling ties on the shoulders of others and not accepting its own responsibility in creating tensions.

Xi says that faced with differences and frictions, equal consultation is the only correct choice, which is another formula that places the onus of making the “correct choice” on the other party and not China.

For Xi, stabilizing bilateral relations and strengthening communication were important. In his view, “we have established a new status called the ‘China-US Constructive Strategic Stable Relationship’" with the US. He added that the two sides had “achieved important agreements on stabilizing economic and trade relations, expanding practical cooperation in various fields, and properly handling mutual concerns.” The reference is to properly handling figures in statements that China makes on border issues with India. The sub-text is that it is not China but the other side that fails to properly address differences.

In his opening remarks to Trump at the formal talks, Xi called on the US to be “partners, not rivals,” and made a reference to overcoming the Thucydides trap. He has done so in the past, but that he chose to do so when the debate over this concept is no longer current internationally, suggests that Xi wanted to revive the debate and convey that China was now the risen power that was in a position to potentially clash with the US as the established power.

Trump seems to have understood the message belatedly and later in his Truth Social post called this an elegant way by Xi to refer to the US as a declining power. The subtle message here by Xi is also that China and the US are the principal powers today and bear the shared responsibility for global peace and prosperity – a possible hint of a G2. 

Three Indian nationals have been wounded and one was killed in a drone strike in Moscow Region, New Delhi’s embassy in Russia has said.

The incident occurred overnight amid a large-scale Ukrainian kamikaze drone raid on the Russian capital and its surroundings. The attack appears to have been the largest to affect the area in over a year.

The Indian Embassy described the victims as “workers” but did not disclose where the attack occurred. The diplomats are now “closely cooperating with the company's management and local authorities” and providing assistance to the victims. 

“Today in the Moscow region, as a result of a drone attack, one citizen of India was killed and three others were injured. Embassy staff traveled to the scene of the incident and visited the victims in the hospital,” the mission said in a statement.

Kiev has intensified long-range drone attacks on Russia since mid-March, sending fixed-wing UAVs in the hundreds on an almost daily basis. Moscow has condemned the strikes as “terrorist” attacks, alleging that they indiscriminately target civilian sites and infrastructure. 

Russia has been retaliating with a long-range strike campaign of its own, targeting Ukraine’s dual-use infrastructure, including military manufacturing installations and energy facilities. Russia maintains it carefully selects the targets and never attacks purely civilian sites.

A political drama unfolded in the past week in Tamil Nadu, a southern Indian state known for its ancient temple, booming manufacturing, and political duopoly. For six decades, the state has seen power alternate between two powerful regions parties – the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK).

Last week, however, this era came to end with popular actor-turned-politician Vijay and his newly formed the Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) party winning the Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly election.

Vijay was sworn in as chief minister of the state on Sunday. The ceremony brought to a close a week of political uncertainty. The TVK won 108 seats in the April election (the results of which were announced on May 5).

Although it was an extraordinary debut, the party was still ten seats short of the majority mark of 118 (the Tamil Nadu legislative assembly has 234 members).

When Vijay called on the governor last week to stake his claim, he could demonstrate the backing of only 113 legislators – the TVK’s own seats plus five won by Indian National Congress party, a key opposition party at the federal level (the Congress severed ties with its traditional partner, the DMK, to support the TVK).

Later, the left parties – the Communist Party of India and Communist Party of India-Marxist, and two other smaller parties, Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi and Indian Union Muslim League – backed Vijay, providing the needed support.

On Wednesday, Vijay passed the confidence motion in the assembly, securing the support of 144 lawmakers – well above the majority mark of 118. The vote took place amid high political drama, with DMK and DMDK legislators walking out of the house.

A power shift thanks to Gen Zs

The election results came as a surprise both to the previously dominant parties and outsiders, giving a setback to the old paradigm that has governed politics in the state for decades. Now-former Chief Minister M. K. Stalin, who leads the DMK, lost his own seat. Political commenters say it is the Gen Z voters who want to see a change in governance.

A veteran with over three decades of experience in films, Vijay is more than just an actor for the state of Tamil Nadu. He performs electrifying dances. Vijay’s entry into politics was awaited. He expressed gratitude towards his voters, especially Gen Z voters, after the results came in.

“We said this election would be a remarkable one that would shake Indian politics, and it has proven to be so in many ways,” Vijay said. 

“Among the many factors, one of the deeper reasons behind this extraordinary election has been the children who guided their families with their sense of conviction,” he added, referring to Gen Z voters.

Vijay said the “TVK has emerged as a major driving force of change.” He called his social media followers “his virtual warriors” for fighting online hate against the party.

Vijay’s promises

Vijay established his fame by playing an underdog hero in films who challenges the system, which eventually prepared him for a career in politics. In 2024, he officially entered politics through the TVK. For a party barely two years old, winning 108 seats was historic.

According to experts, unlike most celebrities who enter politics by joining established parties, Vijay stepped in on his own and presented himself as a third option against the two giants that have dominated Tamil Nadu politics since 1967.

The TVK leader announced four important steps in his party’s Youth Agenda. Under the Education Guarantee Scheme, a loan amounting to 2 million rupees ($21,000) without any guarantee will be provided to those pursuing education from Class 12 onwards until the PhD level. Participants will receive a monthly stipend of 18,000 rupees ($190). Vijay also promised to establish a Tamil Nadu Youth Advisory Council, pitching it as a platform for youth to communicate with the chief minister and government officials.

The contestants chosen by Vijay came from citizens of all 234 constituencies and were considered ‘members of the family’ of the voters rather than professional politicians. He accused the incumbent DMK government of corruption, theft, and targeting journalists.

Why Gen Z believes in Vijay’s party

This election saw the emergence of young people and new voters. For Gen Z, whose lives have been dominated by the politics of the AIADMK’s ‘Two Leaves’ and the DMK’s ‘Rising Sun’, Vijay offered the prospect of breaking the cycle of 60 years.

“Youth everywhere wants change, and that is what happened here,” Rupa Vardarajan, 23, a computer science engineer from Chennai, said.

“We needed a new political wave, a change in our state. Someone who will understand the problems of youth, unemployment, and the drug problem. The problems of educated women. We hope all these things will change now,” she added.

Vijay’s campaign leaned heavily on visual storytelling – short videos, cinematic references, and a personalized, almost influencer‑style connection with followers online. 

“On campuses and in small‑town tea shops, the 2026 election felt like a youth rebellion,” Allen Jospeh, a resident, said. “Tamil Nadu has a large youth population; millions of first‑time and second‑time voters grew up with Vijay’s movies.”

He said the new party became a vehicle for frustration with unemployment, exam leaks, corruption scandals, and a sense that both the DMK and AIADMK had become too disconnected from reality.

Fall of the Dravidian fortress

Tamil Nadu is located in South-East India and ranks second in economic terms in India, with a population of around 77 million, equivalent to that of Germany. For decades, the state has taken pride in upholding Dravidian Identity, a sociopolitical ideology emphasizing social justice, secularism, and regional autonomy.

Since 1967, power has alternated between the DMK and AIADMK, both offshoots of that Dravidian tradition.

The DMK, headed by M. K. Stalin, ruled the state from 2011 to 2016 (in alliance roles) and then returned in 2021. By 2026, it had been in office for five consecutive years when it sought another term. Although the state had numerous welfare schemes, it was hit hard by an unprecedented wave of anti-incumbency. Corruption and ‘family rule’ are some of the factors voters pointed to.

Udhayanidhi Stalin, the former chief minister’s son, won his seat in Chepauk, while M. K. Stalin himself faced a humiliating defeat in his constituency of Kolathur. 

Political pundits say the election was the biggest change in South Indian politics in the last 50 years.

In April 2026, assembly elections were held in four states – Tamil Nadu, Kerala, West Bengal, and Assam, along with the Union Territory of Puducherry, which dramatically altered the political landscape in these regions. The southern states witnessed a clear mandate against the ruling parties, and in West Bengal, the ruling BJP, headed by Prime Minster Narendra Modi, recorded an unprecedented landslide victory with 207 seats. This win came as an even bigger surprise.

‘Gen Z in Tamil Nadu wants dignity in public life’ 

Political scientist and commentator Professor S. Narayan, who is based in Tamil Nadu, argued that in the case of Tamil Nadu, Vijay tapped into “a new moral imagination among young voters.” 

Mukund Padmanabhan, a senior political expert and editor, described the results as a “structural rupture.” 

“The 2026 election is the first time in 50 years that the ‘Dravidian Duopoly’ has been physically challenged not just by a person, but by a new demographic reality. Vijay didn’t just win seats; he won the first-time voter who sees the legacy parties as relics of their parents’ era.”

For now, Tamil Nadu’s Gen Z voters say they have made their choice clear: They are tired of watching the same political movie on repeat. 

“We grew up cheering for him in the dark of the cinema, and now we expect Vijay’s party to deliver in governance,” Saad Shaikh, 26, who works in his family’s leather business in Madurai, said.

India can mediate in the Middle East conflict given its vast diplomatic expertise, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov said on Friday.

New Delhi can mediate between Iran and Arab countries as a first step, Lavrov said in a media briefing after the conclusion of the BRICS foreign ministers’ summit hosted by India.

While BRICS as a group would not be the right mediator, Lavrov noted, individual members could help resolve the deadlock.

“For example, India, the BRICS president, they are directly interested and receiving oil from this region. Why won’t they offer their services, including as a country that is currently presiding over BRICS, so they could invite Iran, UAE to start with,” he said.

Lavrov said every flashpoint in the globe has originated from the “flagrant interference of Western countries in the domestic affairs of a country.” The real reason for the ongoing hostilities in the Middle East, he asserted, is because powers are trying to drive a wedge between Iran and the Arab nations. “I believe that this hostility, this aggression against Iran was motivated, among other things, to antagonize Iran and its Arab neighbors to instill more hostility in their relations,” he said.

Lavrov said a mediator role would be in sync with New Delhi’s profile. “Well, this role could be played by India, considering its vast diplomatic experience and authority and clout.”

In the chair’s statement following the meeting, New Delhi noted that BRICS nations had underscored the grave impact of the conflict on the global economy and called for “an early resolution of the current crisis” and affirmed “the value of dialogue and diplomacy.” 

At the same time, the statement noted “differing views among some members.” Indian media reports suggest that, just as the April meeting of BRICS deputy foreign ministers and special envoys ended without a joint statement after Iran and the UAE clashed over how to address the US–Israel war on Iran, those divisions had only deepened by the time ministers met.

India and the United Arab Emirates have inked energy and defense pacts during Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s trip to the Gulf nation on Friday.

Modi started his five-nation tour with a brief visit to the UAE, after which he will head to the Netherlands, Sweden, Norway, and Italy.

The UAE also pledged investments in India worth $5 billion, including the investment of $4 billion by Emirati financial entities in Indian banks and $1 billion pledge by the Abu Dhabi Investment Authority (ADIA) with the National Infrastructure & Investment Fund of India (NIIF) in priority infrastructure projects in India. 

Pacts on a defense partnership framework, strategic petroleum reserves, and an agreement for the supply of liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) were also signed, according to the statement by Modi’s office. The energy pact includes potential collaboration in liquefied natural gas and liquefied petroleum gas storage facilities in India. 

❗️ 🇮🇳🇦🇪 PM Modi Shares Remarks to HH Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan: ‘India Has Always Prioritised Dialogue & Diplomacy to Solve Problems of Such Scale’

‘India stands shoulder to shoulder with the UAE in every circumstance and will continue to do so in the future,’ he added. https://t.co/6eh6oGXGdp pic.twitter.com/YK9y3G6WvJ

— RT_India (@RT_India_news) May 15, 2026

A memorandum of understanding to build a ship repair cluster at Vadinar in the western state of Gujarat was also signed. An understanding has also been reached to establish a supercomputer cluster.

During the meeting with UAE President Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, Modi also condemned the attacks on the UAE amid the Middle East conflict. “We strongly condemn the attacks on the UAE and denounce the way the UAE has been targeted. This is unacceptable in any form,” he said. 

“India has always vouched for dialogue and diplomacy,” he said, adding, “our priority is to keep Hormuz free and safe. We have to follow international laws.” 

He also lauded “the restraint and maturity” shown by the UAE in these difficult circumstances.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has confirmed that he will visit Moscow later this year, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov said on Friday.

Modi and Lavrov met a day earlier and discussed a broad bilateral agenda. Russia’s top diplomat is on a two‑day visit to New Delhi to attend the BRICS foreign ministers’ meeting.

“Prime Minister Narendra Modi has confirmed that this year it is his turn to pay a visit to the Russian Federation. We will be preparing for this meeting,” Lavrov said. He also noted that Russian President Vladimir Putin is likely to visit New Delhi for the BRICS leaders’ summit later this year.

During his bilateral interactions in New Delhi, the Russian foreign minister discussed ways to further strengthen cooperation in trade, economy and investment “in such a way that we don’t depend on the negative, unfriendly pressure from third party countries,” Lavrov stated.

Nuclear energy, including plans to build new nuclear power reactors in India in addition to the ongoing Kudankulam project, cooperation in defense manufacturing and space exploration also figured in the talks.

Though the US had put pressure on New Delhi to stop Russian oil purchases, imposing even a 25% punitive tariff in August 2025, India has maintained that its energy procurement is based on national interests. The tariff was later withdrawn.

The pressure exerted on India by Western nations over its purchases of Russian oil is “neocolonial,” Lavrov said in an exclusive interview with RT India earlier this week.

New Delhi has termed the recent attack on an Indian-flagged ship off Oman’s coast on Wednesday as “unacceptable.”

The incident occurred around 3:30 AM as the ship was passing near Limah, off Oman’s northern coast, according to reports.

“We deplore the fact that commercial shipping and civilian mariners continue to be targeted,” India’s Foreign Ministry said on Thursday.

All Indian sailors on board have been rescued, the ministry stated.

New Delhi reiterated that targeting commercial shipping and endangering innocent civilian crew members, and “impeding freedom of navigation and commerce, should be avoided.”

The cargo vessel, Haji Ali, registered at Salaya Port in Devbhoomi Dwarka district in Gujarat, was reportedly heading to Sharjah from Somalia, and had 14 Indian crew members, India Today reported.

British maritime risk management group ⁠Vanguard has hinted about an explosion caused by a drone or missile strike on the vessel, which was ferrying livestock, Reuters reported. Indian officials have not confirmed any of these details about the attack.

Two India-bound ships carrying LPG crossed the Strait of Hormuz in the last 24 hours, the Times of India reported on Thursday, adding that 13 India-flagged ships are awaiting transit through the Strait.

The development has also brought the Middle East conflict and maritime security concerns into focus amid the ongoing summit of BRICS foreign ministers in New Delhi.

Iran and the UAE are among the countries attending the New Delhi summit. Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas ‌Aragchi has urged BRICS member states to condemn the US and Israel’s “unlawful aggression” against Tehran.

India is chairing the foreign ministers’ meeting that is seen as setting the agenda for the BRICS leaders’ summit in September. Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, who is also attending the meeting, has said BRICS can play a significant role in ending the hostilities in the Middle East.

India has banned exports of sugar for the next five months to keep prices in check amid a global rally in the commodity.

New Delhi said in an announcement late on Wednesday that the measure will remain in force until September 30.

Limited exceptions, including for existing consignments and exports under government deals for food security, will be allowed.

The decision comes amid concerns over lower production. The sugarcane harvest in India, the world’s largest sugar producer, which begins around October, could be affected by a lower-than-average monsoon because of the El Nino weather pattern, AFP reported.

New Delhi needs roughly 26-28 million tons of sugar annually for domestic use. Output was about 31.5 million tonnes in 2023-24 and is estimated to be around 25.8 million tonnes in 2024-25 after a weak season.

India exported a record 11 million tonnes of sugar in 2021-22. The figure fell sharply to 6.3 million tonnes in 2022-23 and slid further the following year. A modest recovery in exports – to 900,000 tons – was recorded in 2024-25.

The dip was policy-driven, with India prioritizing domestic needs by curbing exports and routing some stocks for ethanol blending.

African nations, mainly Sudan, Libya, and Somalia, were India’s top sugar-exporting destinations in 2024-25, according to data from the Directorate General of Commercial Intelligence and Statistics.

Rating agency Moody’s has said it sees a spillover impact on India’s food inflation due to New Delhi’s reliance on imported fertilizers. 

India has acknowledged disruption to fertilizer supplies due to the re-routing of shipments, which has increased the time for deliveries.

The conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East have also escalated the prices of fertilizers globally. 

The BRICS Foreign Ministers’ Meeting kicked off on Thursday, with host country India stressing that the group should work toward “effective and coordinated responses” to geopolitical and economic uncertainty caused by the Middle East conflicts.

The US-Israeli war against Iran and disruptions caused by the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz will take center stage in today’s discussions.

“We meet at a time of considerable flux in international relations. Ongoing conflicts, economic uncertainties, and challenges in trade, technology, and climate are shaping the global landscape. There is a growing expectation, particularly from emerging markets and developing countries, that BRICS will play a constructive and stabilizing role,” Indian Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar said ahead of a closed-door meeting.

Addressing his BRICS counterparts, Jaishankar stated that the conflict in the Middle East requires particular attention.

“Continuing tensions, risks to maritime traffic, and disruptions to energy infrastructure highlight the fragility of the situation,” he said, while also expressing concern over the situation in the wider region, noting the “humanitarian implications” of the war in Gaza and the “continuing challenges” faced by Lebanon and Syria.

My welcome remarks to #BRICS Foreign Ministers’ Meeting, 2026. #BRICSIndia2026 https://t.co/IvtYBkeQZZ

— Dr. S. Jaishankar (@DrSJaishankar) May 14, 2026

Jaishankar stressed that BRICS members should address “the increasing resort to unilateral coercive measures and sanctions,” adding that they “disproportionately affect developing countries.” 

“These unjustifiable measures cannot substitute dialogue, nor can pressure replace diplomacy,” he said.

The meeting is being held ahead of the 18th BRICS summit, which India will host in September. The stated goal of the group of major emerging economies is a more just and democratic world order in which the Global South’s demands on the economy, security, and other issues are amplified. The acronym stands for Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa.

Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, and the United Arab Emirates joined the group in 2024; Indonesia joined in 2025.

Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov held discussions with his Indian counterpart in New Delhi on Wednesday.

Lavrov is in India to take part in the BRICS Foreign Ministers’ Meeting in New Delhi, held under India’s chairmanship.

“This is also an occasion to review our special and privileged partnership and exchange views on global developments,” Jaishankar said ahead of a closed-door meeting with Lavrov.

Lauding the steady and sustained growth in the bilateral ties between India and Russia, Jaishankar stated that the “economic and energy dimensions have become more pronounced.” He added that the political cooperation between India and Russia is “even more valuable in an uncertain and volatile global environment.”

The two sides will also discuss regional and global issues, including the conflict in the Middle East and related uncertainties over global supply chains, the Russian Foreign Ministry said ahead of the talks.

New Delhi and Moscow have a shared interest in strengthening multipolarity, Jaishankar said, adding that the two nations will also “benefit from derisking and diversification,” referring to energy cooperation in the aftermath of the Middle East crisis.

Regarding Russian-Indian ties in defense, Lavrov noted that Russia supported India’s domestic manufacturing of weapons before it became part of the ‘Make in India’ initiative.

Lavrov said that until February 28, the Strait of Hormuz was open to traffic, and the whole world used this waterway, which accounted for around one-fifth of all oil brought to the global markets. “Now the Americans are demanding that the Strait of Hormuz be reopened. But it was never closed. It is always important to look at what lies beneath.”

The Middle East conflict “is a direct consequence of the unprovoked aggression by the United States and Israel against Iran,” Russia has said, calling for an unconditional ceasefire.

India has doubled its import tariffs on gold and silver to cushion the impact of the Middle East conflict on its foreign exchange reserves.

New Delhi has imposed a 10% basic customs duty and a 5% Agriculture Infrastructure and Development Cess on gold and silver imports, raising the effective import tax from 6% to 15%.

The move is aimed at curtailing overseas purchases and easing the pressure on its foreign exchange reserves.

This comes days after Prime Minister Narendra Modi advocated steps including refraining from gold purchases and reducing the use of fuel as part of an effort to minimize the economic shocks arising from the Middle East conflict.

The government is reportedly considering a host of measures including a fuel price hike and restrictions on non-essential spending to shield its foreign exchange reserves.

Foreign exchange reserves as of May 1 stood at $690 billion, a significant decline from $728 billion in February. The dollar outflows have also impacted the rupee, Asia’s worst-performing major currency, which is down 5.6% this year.

Gold demand in India, the world’s second-largest buyer, has risen amid a recent rally in prices and as returns from equities plunged over the past year.

The nation’s imports of gold totaled $72 billion in the 2026 fiscal year ending March 31, a 24% surge from a year ago. Higher imports of gold widen India’s current account deficit because India pays in foreign currency for gold.

The move reflects growing concern among policymakers over the rising import bill and shrinking forex reserves, driven mainly by energy supply disruptions as hopes for an end to the Middle East conflict fade.

India’s overall trade deficit widened to $119 billion in 2025-26, compared to $94 billion in 2024-25, mostly as a result of higher energy and fertilizer prices and rising bullion imports.

Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov has described Russia-India ties as “impossible to destroy.” In a wide-ranging interview with RT India’s Runjhun Sharma as part of the India, Russia and the World show, Lavrov said the complementary nature of the two countries’ economies and the decades of cooperation in the areas of defense, technology, space, culture, and now energy and manufacturing make the ties strong.

“Those who are trying to worry about the future of Russian-Indian friendship, I think they should not be worried,” Lavrov said, adding that some global powers are trying to “undermine” relations between Russia and India, but “these attempts do not achieve results.”

Lavrov was speaking to RT ahead of his trip to New Delhi for the meeting of BRICS foreign ministers which begins on Wednesday.

Regarding Russia-India ties in the energy and defense sectors, the foreign minister said that “for a long time after India gained independence, no Western country wanted to help India to develop its military,” while Russia sold India weaponry and shared technology for many kinds of weaponry to be manufactured in India.

“We started with Brahmos missiles, then Kalashnikov machine guns, and now it is also T-90 tanks being produced in India,” he said, adding that during the visit of Russian President Vladimir Putin to India last year, the countries agreed to a long-term plan for economic cooperation which includes military technical cooperation.

“Prime Minister Modi is one of the most vibrant leaders the world has ever seen. He not only has vibrant energy, he focuses it on very important goals and achievements – achieving absolute sovereignty in all spheres, be it the economy, military defense, culture, and naturally, maintaining the civilizational heritage that India has like no other,” Lavrov said.

India will host the BRICS foreign ministers’ meeting in New Delhi on May 14-15. The gathering, to be chaired by External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar, is expected to focus on key geopolitical issues, including the conflict in the Middle East.

The meeting will also help lay the groundwork for the BRICS leaders’ summit scheduled for September. The ministers will outline key elements of final documents for the September summit, which India will host under its 2026 BRICS presidency.

Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov will travel to New Delhi for the talks, Moscow confirmed earlier. In addition to the BRICS gathering, he will hold bilateral talks with Jaishankar and other Indian officials. Preparations for Russian President Vladimir Putin’s visit to India for the September summit are also likely to be discussed.

Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi will not attend the meeting in New Delhi due to scheduling conflicts, Beijing said earlier this week. The meeting coincides with US President Donald Trump’s expected state visit to China May 13 to 15 – his first in nearly nine years.

Iran’s Abbas Araghchi is expected to attend the New Delhi meeting, the Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman has confirmed.

After the US and Israel launched the war against Iran in late February, Tehran has repeatedly targeted energy infrastructure and oil facilities in the UAE, accusing Abu Dhabi of acting as a “hostile base” over its ties with the US and Israel. The situation in Palestine is also expected to be on the agenda, with the HT reporting that most BRICS members are against toning down the bloc’s language on Gaza.

The previous BRICS foreign ministers’ meeting was held on the sidelines of the 80th session of the UN General Assembly in September 2025. India chaired it as the incoming BRICS chair for 2026.

Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov compared Western pressure on countries of the Global South, including India – the world’s second largest oil importer – over their trade with Russia to “neocolonial methods.”

Speaking exclusively to Runjhun Sharma, host of the show India, Russia and the World, Lavrov said on Tuesday that the ongoing Middle East crisis highlights Washington’s desire to control global energy trade flows.

“They put pressure on everyone, demanding that they should not purchase Russian oil, and this is unfair play. These are colonial, or neocolonial, methods. ‘You shouldn’t purchase cheap Russian oil. You should purchase my expensive oil, and buy expensive LNG from the US. We will rule the world by controlling global energy,” the Russian foreign minister said. He added that not all countries “cave in to such pressure.”

Lavrov noted that Moscow respects New Delhi’s position, repeatedly outlined by Indian officials – that its energy imports are dictated by national interests as well as market terms, and that New Delhi will decide from whom to buy energy and at what price.

India is the third largest producer and consumer of electricity globally, after China and the US. New Delhi imports over 85% of its crude oil requirements to meet rising domestic demand and refinery consumption. Since 2022, New Delhi has ramped up imports of Russian oil significantly and continues relying on Russian crude to meet its ⁠demand, despite continuous pressure from its Western partners.

The Indian government has stressed that it will do everything it can to ensure uninterrupted energy supply to 1.4 billion people and industries.  At the same time, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has called on Indians to rethink their energy use, including cutting fuel consumption by using more public transport and working from home, amid continuing uncertainty over a ceasefire in the US–Israeli campaign against Iran.

The full interview will be aired on RT on Wednesday.

India is considering a series of measures, including a fuel price hike and restrictions on non-essential spending, to shield its foreign exchange reserves from soaring oil prices linked to the Iran war, Bloomberg reports.

Top officials in the Prime Minister’s Office and Finance Ministry held discussions with the Reserve Bank of India on steps to cushion the damage from soaring oil prices, unnamed officials told the agency.

A fuel price hike, one of the options reportedly being considered, would be the first to be implemented since the US-Israeli war against Iran began.

The suggested measures could also include curbs on the import of gold and consumer electronics, seen as non-essential items. The authorities are also mulling temporary restrictions on non-essential overseas spending, and other steps to support the rupee.

A final decision on the measures to be adopted has not been made, according to the agency’s sources.

Earlier, Prime Minister Narendra Modi suggested steps including work-from-home and carpooling to save fuel, and urged Indians to shun foreign travel and gold purchases.

India is facing growing strain from rising oil import costs linked to the protracted war against Iran, with a mounting import bill weakening the rupee as dollar outflows intensify. The rupee is the worst performer among major Asian currencies, down 5.6% against the dollar this year.

In a big boost for the country’s Upstream Sector, rationalization of royalty under the ORD Act marks a new era for our Oil & Gas regimes by eliminating inconsistencies and driving growth in the upstream sector under the leadership of PM Sh @narendramodi Ji.

This landmark… pic.twitter.com/xb60UNyalH

— Hardeep Singh Puri (@HardeepSPuri) May 11, 2026

India has revised its oil and gas regime by slashing the royalty burden on producers and offering new incentives for offshore and difficult-field exploration, Petroleum and Natural Gas Minister Hardeep Singh Puri said on Monday.

India, the world’s third-largest oil buyer, relies on imports for around 85% of its oil needs, making it vulnerable to rising energy prices and disruptions to supplies through the Strait of Hormuz.

Puri dismissed concerns on Tuesday about a shortage of fuel, but did not rule out a hike.

Speaking at a public event on Monday, Puri stated that India has sufficient energy reserves to manage short-term disruptions, with 60 days of oil, 60 days of LNG, and 45 days of LPG. He cautioned people not to misread the government’s message regarding energy conservation – however, he did not rule out a price hike if the disruptions related to the Iran war continue.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has urged his countrymen to adopt austerity measures in the wake of the Middle East conflict.

Apart from utilizing public transport, work-from-home, and carpooling in an apparent bid to save fuel, he has suggested that Indians put one of their most treasured fascinations on hold: their overwhelming fixation on gold.
Not buying the precious metal, he hinted, could cut India’s dollar outflows substantially.

Curbing gold purchases is seen as one of the key steps that would invariably have an impact on the economy of the nation of 1.4 billion people. The bet on slashing gold purchases has a sounder rationale than other steps outlined by Indian prime minister, as it is seen as a step that individuals can control directly.

The economics

India’s foreign exchange reserves as of May 1, 2026, totaled $690.7 billion, according to data released by the Reserve Bank of India. The forex reserve position has seen a steady decline recently from the $728 billion recorded in February.

The CAD is the gap that occurs when a country spends more foreign currency on imports, income payments, and transfers than it earns from exports and overseas receipts. Higher imports of gold widen India’s current account deficit because India pays in foreign currency for the precious metal, raising the import bill without directly boosting export earnings.

The South Asian nation’s imports of gold totaled $72 billion in FY26, a 24% surge from a year ago. A widening current account deficit will put pressure on the rupee, raise external borrowing needs, and make the economy more vulnerable to global capital outflows.

Ballooning import bill

India is the world’s second-largest gold buyer. For every ounce of imported gold, the payment is made in dollars. Of the total import bill of $775 billion, four commodities stand out for their weight. Crude, gold, vegetable oils, and fertilizers together accounted for more than a third of the country’s massive import bill.

Crude oil is the obvious leader, accounting for $134.7 billion.

That leaves Indians’ famous appetite for gold as the most obvious target for restraint. With a gold import bill of about $72 billion – nearly double the combined value of vegetable oil and fertilizer imports – curbing demand offers a clear way to bring some discipline to India’s external accounts.

It is also one of the most debated options, because gold in India is as much an emotional purchase as a financial one, with weddings driving a large share of domestic buying. Gold as an investment option has not yet sunk in for a majority of Indians.

Would curbs really matter?

Assuming a dip in gold purchases happens, how would that affect the country’s economy? If the country curtails its importing of gold by 30% to 40%, that can lead to savings of $25 billion, according to NDTV projections.

If the figure can be raised to 50%, the savings would further jump to $36 billion. In a scenario where the CAD is projected to be $84.5 billion, it would be nearly cut that figure in half. The savings can be routed to energy purchases, which in turn are essential for vital activity, including farming.

How war shapes outcomes

When a conflict like the present one in the Middle East happens, oil prices soar. This is a direct result of transit hazards to shipping, which block the oil trade. A fifth of the world’s energy commodities pass through the Strait of Hormuz, which is mostly controlled by Iran.

Many refining and production facilities across the Gulf have already suffered extensive damage. The world’s oil inventories are shrinking at the fastest pace on record, Bloomberg reported. Even if the current predicament ends, a return to the $70 per barrel price range is unlikely.

For India, that means paying more for oil imports for a much longer period, implying higher dollar outflows. Stronger demand for dollars would weaken the rupee, and a weaker rupee would, in turn, make all imports more expensive, creating a cascading effect across the economy.

Glitter of gold

A pause in gold buying seems like a sensible option for a nation which, as a whole, can adapt while it curbs the demand for dollars. A dip in dollar demand would mean less pressure on the rupee and on the cost of imports.

India’s domestic gold consumption remains large but increasingly price-sensitive. According to the World Gold Council, India’s total gold demand rose 10% year-on-year to 151 tons in Q1 2026. But in value terms, the surge is 99%, as record prices have lifted spending.

Last year’s figure has some solace on offer for policy planners. For the full year 2025, India’s overall gold purchases fell 11% to 710.9 tons, and jewelry consumption dropped 24% to 430.5 tons. This means that while Indian households have a strong affinity for buying gold, they tend to cut back when prices rise.

After crying wolf over Iran’s non-existent nuclear weapons program for decades, Washington has finally pushed the Islamic Republic over the brink, with Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei proclaiming last month that Tehran will protect its nuclear and missile technology “as national assets.”  

Tehran had long maintained that its nuclear program was for peaceful purposes only, a fact endorsed by inspectors of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). Decades of crippling sanctions and a punitive war, however, have compelled it to change track.

In a message on the occasion of National Persian Gulf Day (when Persia liberated the waterway from 115 years of Portuguese control in 1622), Ayatollah Mojtaba Khamenei asserted that Washington has suffered a “humiliating defeat,” which opens a “new chapter” in the Persian Gulf and the Strait of Hormuz.

He said Iran shares a “common destiny” with its neighbors in the region, which will not be dominated by “outsiders who come from thousands of kilometers away.” He promised that new legal regulations and management systems in the Strait will benefit all of the nations of the region while yielding economic dividends for Iran.

This significant announcement was accompanied by an invitation to the Gulf States to accept Iranian protection for their safety as the era of American protectionism is over. The same day, a spokesman for the Iranian Armed Forces warned that if the US attacks again, the region’s oil and gas infrastructure will be destroyed.  

Last week, after US President Donald Trump made a U-turn on ‘Project Freedom,’ Iran reportedly launched a new mechanism for overseeing maritime traffic through the Strait of Hormuz.  There has been a constant churn in the regional chessboard since the US-Israel attack on Iran and decapitation of its top spiritual and military leadership on February 28. Most notable is the United Arab Emirates’ decision to exit the Saudi-led Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) that decides the oil extraction quotas of member states, and the price at which oil will be sold in the international market. 

In the short term, Abu Dhabi’s defection from the oil cartel could lead to its expulsion from the Arab League, with consequences for its identity as a safe luxury destination with unique architecture (Burj Khalifa, Dubai Frame), high-end leisure (Palm Jumeirah, indoor skiing), and as a magnet for affluent professionals in its tax-free, centrally located business hub (Dubai). 

However, the UAE’s exit could provoke other members to weigh the value of remaining in OPEC, given the current political instability, inability to trust the US, and the grim reality of falling oil revenues. More countries could decide upon their own production, adding to volatility in the oil markets. Increased supplies could soften prices over time and benefit oil refining and marketing companies in countries such as India. Some introspection has already begun with Saudi Foreign Minister Faisal bin Farhan Al Saud asserting that, “the era of relying on the United States has ended. If Trump could not protect his own country, how can he protect ours?” 

Araghchi told the media that the US was responsible for the failure of the first round of negotiations in Pakistan in mid-April with its “excessive demands,” adding that “safe passage through the Strait of Hormuz is an important global issue.” As a mark of respect to the negotiators, Araghchi met Pakistani military and civilian leader as well as Omani leaders before travelling to Russia. Both Pakistan and Oman continue to be involved in backchannel efforts to prevent a return to an open US-Israel war on Iran.

The key role, however, will be played by Moscow, as evidenced by the 90-minute telephone call between Presidents Putin and Trump, which covered a range of events, including the Iran war, the Ukraine conflict and the attempted attack on Trump during a high-profile dinner in Washington. 

The latest reports suggest that the exchange or proposals to end the war between Tehran and Washington, conducted through Pakistani mediators, is not yielding results. According to AP, Iran’s response to Washington’s counter-proposal submitted last week calls for a wider end to hostilities on multiple fronts, including Lebanon, before reopening the Strait of Hormuz and moving ahead with further nuclear talks. Iran’s earlier demands included guarantees against military aggression, the withdrawal of US military forces from near Iran, a lifting of the naval blockade, the release of Iran’s frozen assets, compensation payments, a lifting of sanctions, and end to the war on all fronts including Lebanon, and the recognition a new mechanism for the Strait of Hormuz.  

Trump, however, on Sunday called Iran’s response “totally unacceptable.”  Trump has repeatedly extended the ceasefire, arguing that Iran’s leadership is divided and unable to formulate a unified position. Iranian officials, for their part, have publicly rejected Washington’s terms as an ultimatum, accusing the US of trying to turn negotiations into a surrender process after failing to achieve its stated goals on the battlefield. With diplomacy currently at a deadlock, the US finds itself isolated from many of its traditional allies on the matter. 

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has urged the public to cut their fuel usage by returning to public transport and remote office work amid the energy supply disruptions caused by the US-Israel war on Iran.

International conflicts, especially the current Middle East conflict, have put pressure on oil prices and depleted India’s foreign exchange reserves, Modi said on Sunday.

“During the Corona period, we developed many systems of work from home, online meetings and video conferences, and we even became accustomed to them,” he said, adding, “If we restart these systems, it will be in the national interest.”

ICYMI: PM Modi Calls for ‘Collective National Effort’ to Ease Global Economic Pressures Brought on by West Asia War

PM Modi advocated for Indian citizens to use public transport and EVs where possible and called for a revival of ‘Covid-era’ efficiency measures, such as WFH and… pic.twitter.com/6L7PXweWUl

— RT_India (@RT_India_news) May 11, 2026

The prime minister urged citizens and institutions to prioritize remote work and digital interactions as steps to slash fuel consumption and ease pressure on the economy.

“We must prioritize work from home, online conferences, and virtual meetings again. We must also place a strong emphasis on saving foreign exchange, as petrol and diesel have become so expensive globally,” Modi said.

He also advocated for the wider use of public transport, including metro and railways, as well as electric vehicles for the movement of goods to reduce dependence on fuel imports.

Modi positioned the appeal as a broader national effort to minimize the shocks of oil supply disruptions triggered by the Middle East conflict. Modi’s statement came on the day when US President Donald Trump rejected Iran’s response to a proposal for ending the war.

India’s central bank has said a 10% rise in crude prices cuts economic growth by 15 basis points and lifts inflation by 30 basis points. Though the federal government has forecast economic growth for the current fiscal year at 6.8%-7.2%, economic agencies, including Goldman Sachs, have put forth estimates in the 5.9%-6.2% range.

As Russia marks the 81st anniversary of its victory over Nazi Germany in World War II, the ensuing global conflicts are a grim reminder of the lessons learned (or lost) over the last century. While the Indian Republic joins its strategic partner in celebrating the defeat of fascism, it is worth retracing the common thread of civilizational history that the two giants share.

During the World War II, both Soviet and Indian troops (under British command) contributed decisively towards the defeat of the Axis forces. During the Anglo-Soviet invasion of Iran, Indian and Soviet divisions coordinated their operations to secure the Persian corridor linking the Allies to the USSR. Elsewhere, while the Soviet forces fought the bulk of the German armies in the Eastern European theater, Indian contingents fought the Axis in the South-East Asian, North African, West Asian theaters, as well as playing a critical, often under-recognized role in the Allied invasion of Italy.

Simultaneously, Indian leaders like Subhas Chandra Bose sought to secure external support in their fight for independence. In his efforts to secure cooperation, his first port of call in 1941 was to the Soviet Union. Being unsuccessful he made his appeal to the Germans and the Japanese. Nevertheless, he was appalled at the German invasion of the USSR and in June 1941, declared that Indians had come to regard the ‘Third Reich’ as an aggressor. He believed that the USSR would ultimately become Britain’s adversary in the future and died in 1945 in pursuit of greater collaboration with Moscow.

Subhas Chandra Bose was not the only leader aspiring to closer ties with the USSR. Russia had long been part of a utopian hope, and when Indians thought about progress and development, they looked to Russia for inspiration.

During that period myriad factors contributed to the Indian and Soviet lack of understanding of each other’s positions. Post-October Revolution, the British Raj took comprehensive measures to prevent the entry of Soviet personnel and citizens into British India. After the Revolution, the Bolsheviks abandoned the extensive Tsarist intelligence networks deployed within the sub-continent and relied on information communicated by the Communist Party of India (CPI) who themselves were at odds with the dominant Indian National Congress (INC).

After attaining independence, these relations transformed into a peculiar multi-bilateral process where the Soviet government engaged with both the newly independent Indian government and the CPI. During the formative years the preference was given to the latter with support being provided in collaboration with the Communist Party of Yugoslavia for the CPI to undertake an armed proletarian struggle in 1948. However, Indian refusal to acquiesce to all Western positions in the international arena and its efforts in securing a settlement towards the Korean conflict led to changes in perceptions within the Soviet leadership. Stalin in conversation with Indian Ambassador to the USSR K. P. S. Menon expressed his view of a world divided into black and white with a lonely grey India occupying the middle ground. 

A decisive change in relations ushered in with the ascendancy of Nikita Khrushchev and the subsequent process of destalinization. Simultaneously, two trends came into being: firstly, the acceleration of the rivalry between the US and the USSR and subsequently the systems of capitalism and communism, and secondly, the trend of decolonization. Indian foreign policy under the leadership of its first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, gravitated towards the concepts of non-alignment and ‘Panchsheel’ (or Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence).

The USSR itself shifted from a policy of ‘those who are not with us, are against us’ to ‘those who are not with the West, are possibly with us’. Under this new policy, encapsulated within the concept of Peaceful Coexistence propounded at the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), Moscow essentially saw the non-aligned movement with its anti-colonial stance as an ally.

Until the 1960s, the Indian armed forces had been largely equipped with British-origin weaponry. Post-1962, India embarked on a military modernization spree aided by the Soviets. The primary driver was the deterioration of both Indian and Soviet relations with China. Soviet economic aid to India was forthcoming, establishing steel plants such as the Bhilai Steel Plant, which to date remains a flagship unit of the country. The ushering in of détente brought American embargoes on weapons supplies to both Pakistan and India during the 1965 Indo-Pakistan War. Taking an alternative approach, the Soviets sought reconciliation and succeeded with the 1966 Tashkent Agreement.

The integrity test of the Indian-Soviet relations occurred during the 1971 Bangladesh crisis. Having achieved rapprochement towards China with Islamabad’s assistance, the US did not want to constrain continued Pakistani atrocities in East Pakistan. New Delhi and Moscow finalized the 1971 Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation, thus setting the stage against a Pakistan-US-China grouping.

The Indian economy took a distinctly socialist turn during Indira Gandhi’s tenure, noticeably due to internal crisis of leadership rather than external factors. However, the slowdown in Western economies, the 1973 US-USSR Grain Deal, and the combined Oil Shocks due to the Arab-Israel war and the Iranian Revolution gravely affected Indian economic indices. The Soviet Union, itself facing a stagnating economy, wasn’t able to extend economic aid. New Delhi had to instead rely on US supplies while resisting American attempts to arm-twist changes to the Indian domestic economy. However, in terms of arms supplies, the USSR remained the dominant partner for India for the entirety of the Cold War.

During the Unipolar Moment, India sought to turn around its relationship with the US, the sole hegemon. With the ascendancy of Russian President Vladimir Putin in 2000, relations with India were upgraded to a Strategic Partnership the same year. India was at that time under sanctions from the US for its 1998 nuclear tests, and the relationship would not be reset until the 2006 Indo-US Nuclear Agreement. Two trends dominated during this time period: firstly the September 9/11 attacks and the subsequent Global War on Terror, and secondly the normative principle of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) arising out of the 1993 Rwandan Genocide. Moscow’s disillusionment with Western promises to accommodate Russian interests – epitomized in the 2007 Munich Speech – coincided with New Delhi’s rapprochement with the US.

However, Moscow and New Delhi soon found themselves advocating similar positions when the R2P reached its crescendo during the 2011 Libyan intervention. India, Russia, and China abstained and later opposed the increasingly blurred distinction between protecting civilians and regime change operations. The RIC grouping evolved into BRICS as a major non-Western institution with the joining of South Africa in 2010. At the same time, Indian-Russian relations were further upgraded to a Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership.

The issue of a common European security architecture has disintegrated into a proxy conflict involving Ukraine, and the Israeli-US assault on Iran has effectively ended the liberal-international order. In these times, Indian-Russian relations have shown adaptability and resilience by concluding the Reciprocal Exchange of Logistics Agreement (RELOS). The agreement allows the stationing of foreign troops on Indian soil (a first in the state’s history), which the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA) signed with the US does not cover. While debates for and against it are far from being settled, it allows a near permanent Russian naval presence in the Indian Ocean (where the US operates the Diego Garcia base) and conversely Indian presence in the Arctic and the Pacific. In effect, the RELOS exemplifies deeper military integration between the two states than the 1971 Treaty ever envisioned.

Ultimately, for most of their existing histories, the trajectories of the two civilizational giants have been in harmony. Similar to the World War II, the RELOS signals commitment from both states’ leadership to proactively respond to international challenges by building on each other’s strengths.

In times beleaguered by strife and paralysis of institutional organs of intervention, bilateralism is rarely a better response to a polycentric disordered world. But when on rare occasions it does show adaptability and strength – as in Indian-Russian relations – it has the capacity to propel both states to unimaginable heights.

India has confirmed the dispatch of a fourth set of S-400 missiles from Russia as part of a $5.43 billion deal.

The deputy chief of air staff, Air Marshal Awadhesh Kumar Bharti, said on Thursday the next set of S-400 Triumf air defense systems meant for the Indian Air Force (IAF) has been sent, and that “we should be having [it] with us within a month,” Bharti said.

The fifth and final units are due by the end of 2026, he added.

🚨🇷🇺🇮🇳 BREAKING: Russia to deliver next S-400 batch to India next month

Final units due by end of 2026, says Indian Air Marshal.

India procured five S-400 squadrons in total as part of 2018 deal.pic.twitter.com/uzX8QDojKR

— Sputnik (@SputnikInt) May 7, 2026

India signed a pact in 2018 to procure five S-400 systems, one of Russia’s most advanced anti-aircraft weapons.

IAF officials completed the pre-dispatch inspection of the inbound S-400 system by April 18, Hindustan Times (HT) reported.

The agreement to purchase the advanced S-400 surface-to-air missile systems was reached despite the threat of sanctions from the US.

New Delhi has already approved the purchase of five more S-400 systems, which have a target range of 400 km.

The S-400 played a major role during Operation Sindoor, a military standoff with Pakistan in May year, according to Indian officials. The system was praised by Prime Minister Narendra Modi when he traveled to one of the military bases following the ceasefire.

Pakistan reportedly moved all its functioning fighters and aerial platforms to its Quetta and Peshawar bases to avoid Indian missiles during Operation Sindoor, Hindustan Times reported.

The inbound units will be deployed along the South Asian country’s Western border with Pakistan, The Print reported in April.

The fifth S-400 system is likely to be deployed in the middle-sector with China, the HT report said.

The Indian military on Thursday released a documentary showcasing rare footage and images of Operation Sindoor – including war-room planning, precision strikes, and fighter jet deployments.

Defense expert Air Marshal Anil Chopra in his column for RT argued that the S-400 served as India’s “shield” in Operation Sindoor, while BrahMos missiles – developed as part of an India-Russia joint venture – were its “most feared sword.”

Approximately 60% of India’s current military inventory traces its lineage to Russian or Soviet-origin design.

Peace does not seem to be on the horizon in the Middle East, though genuine de-escalation and a credible movement towards peace is sorely needed in the interest of all the parties to the conflict, and the rest of the world, which is suffering from the consequences of this war.

Donald Trump’s war decisions announced off the cuff in press conferences and in his nocturnal Truth Social posts are a highly disconcerting way to deal with a major regional war with grave global consequences. This also suggests the absence of any serious institutional process in decision making in the administration.

The vocabulary used by Trump himself and even more so by his senior cabinet appointees such as the treasury secretary have reached a level of coarseness that is bewildering. These statements may be meant to appeal to the Republican political base, but they have a global echo through social media and seriously tarnish the reputation of the US as a responsible democracy.

The Trump administration does not seem to care how it is seen by the rest of the world – including its allies and partners. It seems to believe that the opinion of others does not matter for an America that is all-powerful and one that holds all the cards. The sense of impunity is staggering.

Washington’s rhetoric – often laced with contempt, insults, and humiliations – will not be easily forgotten by policymakers and publics on the receiving end. These affronts will inevitably be factored into how foreign capitals assess their bilateral ties with the US and the degree of caution with which they approach them.

It is in Trump’s hands to wind down the war. If Iran’s nuclear sites have been obliterated, its navy sunk, its missile capacities depleted, its infrastructure heavily destroyed by bombing thousands of targets, why not find a way to seriously negotiate peace through a realistic give-and-take? If Trump wants 100% satisfaction on his demands, it is no longer negotiation, it is imposing his will. To achieve this Iran has to accept defeat and effectively surrender.

The reality seems to be that Iran will not yield on issues it considers fundamental to its national interest and Trump cannot yield on his key demands. Iran’s 14-point proposal, which apparently includes reparations, lifting of sanctions, and control over the Strait of Hormuz, would not only be unacceptable to the US, it would require prolonged negotiations and phased steps, which means sustained levels of trust, which today is absent. Iran’s proposal seems to have prioritized the opening of the Strait of Hormuz and left the nuclear issue to be negotiated later.

For Trump, the nuclear issue is central to any negotiated solution, as denying Iran a nuclear capability is the reason for his going to war in the first place. Trump has to show that he has won the war decisively.

This conflict has become a test of US power in a world which has already seen shifts in power away from the West. Make America Great Again is incompatible with an inability to win the war in the Middle East, as it detracts from America’s greatness ambitions, even if the MAGA base was originally against US military interventions abroad.

The lack of a clear war strategy in Washington is obvious. The US masses aircraft carriers and marines regionally, but it hesitates to put troops on the ground. It bombs Kharg Island, Iran’s main oil export hub, but hesitates to destroy Iran’s energy infrastructure for fear that Tehran may retaliate against the energy infrastructure of the Gulf states. The US claims that it doesn’t need the Strait of Hormuz and then advises the affected countries to prize it open. Trump thereafter seeks the cooperation of NATO countries to support his intervention, and subsequently says that he does not need NATO. He then chides the bloc for lack of support. He protests against Iran’s blockade of the strait as illegal and unacceptable, but then he himself orders a US blockade of the strait.

The US claims that its blockade of Hormuz does not violate any ceasefire, but the blockade is itself an act of war. Trump threatened to use force to open the strait, but then reversed his decision reportedly after Saudi Arabia refused to let the US use its bases on its soil and its airspace to carry out the operation.

All this suggests that the US is aware that it has no good options available. Threatening to wipe Iran off the face of the earth indicates frustration, not a viable strategy.

Meanwhile, the price of oil continues to rise. It is not only doing damage to energy-dependent countries: the secondary and tertiary effects are damaging the global economy as a whole, be it manufacturing, logistics, agriculture, aviation, travel, tourism, etc.

India is deeply affected by this war, but has few cards to play to stop it. In theory, New Delhi has friendly relations with all countries involved: the US, Israel, Iran, UAE, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, and Oman. The Indian prime minister and external affairs minister have been in contact with the leaders of these countries. Our national security adviser has traveled very recently to Saudi Arabia and the UAE. The problem is that when you have friendly ties with all the protagonists and have interests in all of them, it becomes very difficult to take sides. India can only appeal but not get directly involved in the conflict by offering good offices, etc. unless the warring sides request an active Indian role to that effect.

It is easy to advocate, as some observers do, that India must be more pro-active diplomatically on the ground. But even as the current BRICS chair – with both Iran and the UAE in the grouping, alongside heavyweights like Russia and China – India is unable to forge a consensus because Tehran and Abu Dhabi hold to unyielding positions.

It is understood that both Russia and China could not help to build some common ground between the two antagonists. If one puts Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu into the mix, one can imagine how difficult it would be for a country such as India to help forge a consensus and effectively move towards de-escalation and an end to the conflict.

India has conducted the maiden flight of its locally developed glide weapon system.

The Defense Research and Development Organization (DRDO) and the Indian Air Force successfully conducted the maiden flight-trial off the coast of Odisha on Thursday.

The Tactical Advanced Range Augmentation (TARA) extension kit is equipped to convert unguided warheads into high-precision guided weapons, an official release said.

Maiden flight-trial of Tactical Advanced Range Augmentation (TARA) weapon was successfully conducted off the coast of Odisha on May 07, 2026.

TARA, the modular range extension kit, is India’s first indigenous glide weapon system to convert unguided warheads into precision guided… pic.twitter.com/Ofx8mrGGgY

— DRDO (@DRDO_India) May 8, 2026

The TARA kit, developed by Research Center Imarat in Hyderabad, along with other DRDO laboratories, is equipped to enhance the lethality and accuracy of a low-cost weapon to strike ground-based targets.

The DRDO said the production of the kits for the Indian Armed Forces has already started.

Such kits are attached to a standard unguided bomb to direct the weapon to its target. The kits enable strikes from afar, minimizing the risk for aircraft carriers.

The Israeli Air Force has been actively using SPICE (smart, precise-impact, and cost-effective) kits, which convert an air-dropped unguided warhead into a precision-guided bomb, AP reported.

In December, India’s Defense Acquisition Council, chaired by Defense Minister Rajnath Singh, approved a procurement of defense equipment worth $8.7 billion, which includes a deal for SPICE kits, Indian media reported.

RT reported earlier that Russian forces may have tested an upgraded glide bomb capable of striking targets up to 150 km away in May last year. Russia has reportedly been developing an advanced glide bomb kit known as the UMPB D-30SN.

The Indian Sports Ministry has fromalized policy for cricketing events with Pakistan, a year after New Delhi imposed curbs on sporting activity with its neighbor following the military standoff between the two countries.

According to the policy published on Tuesday, Pakistani players and teams will be allowed to participate in multilateral events hosted by India. However, the ban on bilateral sporting events will remain in force.

”With regard to international and multilateral events, in India or abroad, we are guided by the ⁠practices of international sports bodies and the interest of our own sportspersons,” the Sports Ministry said.

It added that the visa process for athletes, officials, and representatives of international sports federations from the neighboring country would be simplified.

“In so far as bilateral sports events in each other’s country are concerned, Indian teams will not be ⁠participating in competitions in Pakistan. Nor will we permit Pakistani teams to play in India,” the ministry added.

Cricket, the most popular sport in both India and Pakistan, has long been a victim of political tensions between the two countries. The hostility deepened after the four‑day standoff in May 2025 – one of the most serious military confrontations between the nuclear‑armed neighbors in recent years.

Pakistani players are not taking part in the lucrative Indian Premier League, although it is not clear if this scenario will also change.

India is slated to host the Commonwealth Games in 2030, and it has also bid for the 2036 Olympics and the 2038 Asian Games ⁠in Ahmedabad.

India has vowed to keep up its fight against terrorism, a year after a tense military stand-off with Pakistan.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Thursday hailed the “unparalleled courage, precision, and resolve” of the armed forces in Operation Sindoor.

The three-day military operation was launched on May 7 in response to a terrorist attack in Pahalgam, in India’s Jammu and Kashmir union territory, that killed 26 civilians on April 22. New Delhi said it targeted military facilities and terrorist bases in Pakistan. 

Islamabad has denied having any involvement in the Pahalgam attack.

“They [armed forces] gave a fitting response to those who dared to attack innocent Indians at Pahalgam,” Modi said in a post on X. “Today, a year later, we remain as steadfast as ever in our resolve to defeat terrorism and destroy its enabling ecosystem.”

Modi also stressed the importance of India’s quest for self-reliance through the ‘Make In India’ program in the defense sector.

A year ago, our armed forces displayed unparalleled courage, precision and resolve during #OperationSindoor. They gave a fitting response to those who dared to attack innocent Indians at Pahalgam. The entire nation salutes our forces for their valour.

Operation Sindoor reflected…

— Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) May 7, 2026

Interior Minister Amit Shah lauded the operation as “an epochal mission of India.” 

The Pakistani leadership also commented on the anniversary of the military escalation with India, which Islamabad refers to as Marka-i-Haq (battle of truth).

Pakistan reinforced its position on bilateral and global platforms, he said, citing its “lawful and restrained response.”

The two nuclear-armed nations reached a ceasefire on May 10. Shortly before New Delhi and Islamabad officially announced the truce, US President Donald Trump posted on Truth Social that the two nations had agreed to immediately cease the hostilities “after a long night of talks mediated by the United States.”

Trump and other US officials repeated the claim on a number of occasions, though New Delhi has dismissed it, maintaining that the ceasefire “was agreed between the military commanders of both sides through direct contact.”

Both India and Pakistan embarked on a diplomatic outreach to the global community after the military standoff.

In April 2025, terrorists struck Baisaran meadow near Pahalgam in southern Kashmir, killing 26 innocent tourists in an act of calculated barbarity orchestrated from across the border.

India’s response, codenamed Operation Sindoor, was swift, precise, and strategically transformative. In the 88 hours that followed, from May 7 to May 10, India demonstrated a war-fighting capability that surprised its adversaries and reassured its partners.

At the heart of that demonstration was a pluralistic arsenal: French Rafale jets, Israeli loitering munitions, Indian‑made Integrated Air Command and Control System (IACCS), and Akash air defense systems. But the formidable core of this arsenal was Russian‑origin platforms that have formed the bedrock of Indian military power for more than six decades.

One year on, it is worth examining what Russia’s contribution to that arsenal actually meant in combat, and why the India-Russia defense partnership remains one of the most consequential strategic relationships in the Indo-Pacific. And how it continues to grow.

Strategic trust that matters

The India-Russia defense relationship is not a transaction. It is a partnership built on a foundation of consistent support through India’s most difficult strategic moments – when Western suppliers walked away after the 1998 nuclear tests, when sanctions threatened to choke India’s modernization program, and when the country needed technology transfers rather than merely hardware deliveries.

Over the past six decades, the two countries have built a defense relationship of extraordinary depth, one that now encompasses co-development, co-production, technology transfer, and joint ventures that have made India not merely a buyer of Russian equipment but a genuine partner in its manufacture and evolution.

The numbers tell part of the story. Approximately 60% of India’s current military inventory traces its lineage to Russian or Soviet-origin design. The Indian Air Force (IAF) flies the Su-30 MKI, arguably the most capable variant of the Flanker family anywhere in the world, built under license at Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) in Nashik with a progressively increasing indigenous content. The Indian Army fields the T-90 Bhishma main battle tank, again built domestically under license.

The Indian Navy operates Kilo-class submarines and has long operated Russian carrier aviation. This is not dependence – it is integration, and Operation Sindoor demonstrated exactly what that integration looks like when tested under fire.

The S-400 Sudarshan Chakra: Combat debut

Of all the Russian systems that performed during Operation Sindoor, none attracted more global attention than the S-400 Triumf, which India has named the Sudarshan Chakra.

India’s decision to procure the S-400 in a $5.43 billion deal signed in 2018 was made under considerable pressure. The US threatened to impose CAATSA sanctions, Western partners expressed discomfort. India held its ground, and one year ago that decision was validated in the most definitive way possible – in actual combat.

With its ability to simultaneously track and engage multiple targets at ranges up to 400 km and altitudes spanning the full spectrum from low-flying drones to high-altitude missiles, the S-400 provided the strategic canopy under which the rest of India’s air defense architecture operated. Pakistan had been warned. The warnings went unheeded. The S-400 performed.

When Pakistani information operations subsequently claimed that an S-400 battery at Adampur had been destroyed, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi flew to the airbase and stood beside the intact system.

The image spoke louder than any official denial. The S-400’s combat debut in Indian service was not merely a vindication of the procurement decision – it was a message to every adversary who had hoped that Western diplomatic pressure might yet deny India this capability. The message was received.

BrahMos: The strike weapon that changed the equation

If the S-400 was the shield of Operation Sindoor, the BrahMos was its most feared sword. The BrahMos supersonic cruise missile, developed through the joint venture between India’s Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) and Russia’s NPO Mashinostroyeniya, has grown from a promising concept into one of the most operationally significant weapons systems in Asia.

The BrahMos travels at Mach 3, carries a 200 to 300 kg warhead, and achieves a circular error probable of under 1 meter – a degree of accuracy that makes it as much a surgical instrument as a strike weapon. Land-launched, ship-launched, and air-launched variants are all operational with the Indian armed forces. The air-launched variant, designated BrahMos-A, is integrated with the Su-30 MKI, giving India a standoff precision-strike capability that few air forces in the world can match. The Block III land-attack variant adds terrain-hugging flight profiles that allow the missile to navigate complex geography and approach targets from unexpected angles. During Operation Sindoor, BrahMos missiles were reportedly used extensively against hardened high-value targets, with results that the battle damage assessment imagery made plain to the world.

The partnership is not standing still. The BrahMos-NG, a lighter next-generation variant, will allow the Su-30 MKI to carry three missiles rather than one, and will also be integrated with the Indian-made Tejas and the French Rafale.

BrahMos II, a hypersonic variant targeting speeds above Mach 5, is under joint development. When it enters service, it will place India in an exclusive group of nations capable of fielding hypersonic precision-strike weapons. The missile that began as a joint venture has become an Indian strategic asset – and it could not have been built without the Russian partnership.

India officially began exporting the BrahMos, with the first batch delivered to the Philippines in April 2024 as part of a $375 million deal. The joint venture with Russia is seeing high demand, with significant interest from Southeast Asian nations and other regions. The project achieved over $500 million in revenue for 2025-26.

The Su-30 MKI: India’s premier strike platform

The Su-30 MKI is the backbone of Indian Air Force combat power. India operates 260 of them, a fleet large enough to provide both mass and versatility across multiple simultaneous missions. Built at HAL’s Nashik facility under a license that has progressively transferred technology to India, the Su-30 MKI is a uniquely Indian variant of the Flanker family – fitted with Israeli avionics, French navigation systems, and Indian mission computers alongside its Russian airframe and engines. It is, in effect, a symbol of India’s pluralistic approach to defense procurement: taking the best from every partner and integrating it into a platform optimized for Indian requirements.

The upgraded MiG-29s in IAF service carry the same weapon. Complementing the R-77 is India’s indigenous Astra Mk1, with a range of 110 km, and the Astra Mk2 currently entering service with a range extending to 160 km. A third variant, the Astra Mk3, under development with a projected range of 350 km, will eventually give the Su-30 MKI an engagement envelope that exceeds anything currently in the Pakistani or Chinese inventory.

For the strike mission, the Su-30 MKI carries the Kh-35 air-launched cruise missile, with a range of 260 km, providing a standoff land-attack and anti-ship capability. The aircraft also carries the Kh-29 and Kh-59 air-to-surface missiles for shorter-range precision engagement.

During Operation Sindoor, Su-30 MKI crews flew alongside Rafale in coordinated strike packages, demonstrating the seamless integration of Russian and French platforms within a single operational concept.

Legacy systems that still deliver

Beyond the S-400 and BrahMos, a range of older Russian-origin systems continued to demonstrate their relevance during Operation Sindoor. The Pechora low-to-medium altitude surface-to-air missile system, the OSA-AK short-range system, and the S-125 Neva all contributed to the layered air defense architecture that denied Pakistan’s drones and missiles their intended targets. These are not new systems – some have been in Indian service for decades – but their integration into the Akashteer and IACCS command network gave them a new operational dimension, allowing them to receive targeting data from modern sensors and engage threats far more efficiently than their original designs envisioned.

The MiG-29 has been upgraded with modern avionics and extended range with Russian help and continues to serve as an effective air defense interceptor. Sixty upgraded MiG-29s in IAF service provide a capable mid-tier complement to the Su-30 MKI and Rafale, particularly in the air superiority role.

Russia’s willingness to support deep upgrades of platforms sold decades ago – providing access to newer avionics, weapons integration, and structural life extensions – is one of the distinctive features of the partnership. India has not been left to manage ageing Russian platforms without support. The relationship has ensured continuity of capability even as the platforms themselves have evolved.

The partnership looking forward

Operation Sindoor demonstrated the maturity of the India-Russia defense relationship, but it also highlighted the road ahead.

The two countries are exploring the possibility of co-developing an advanced version of the BrahMos with a range exceeding 1,500 km. Discussions on the potential acquisition or co-production of the S-500 Prometheus, with its capability against hypersonic threats and ballistic missiles at ranges far exceeding the S-400, are ongoing.

Russia has also expressed interest in purchasing BrahMos missiles for its own inventory – a remarkable inversion of the traditional buyer-seller dynamic that speaks to how far the partnership has evolved.

The Indian Defence Acquisition Council (DAC) approved the procurement of 288 additional anti-aircraft missiles for its S-400 systems in a roughly $1.2 billion deal.

India is actively evaluating a renewed Russian proposal for the Su-57 fifth-generation stealth fighter, with HAL reviewing a potential co-manufacturing deal for 100-plus units. Driven by the need to counter China’s J-20 and bridge the gap until its indigenous AMCA is ready in 2038, India is considering the Su-57, potentially featuring a twin-seat variant with advanced drone-teaming capabilities.

There are challenges too, and they deserve honest acknowledgement. The war with Ukraine has strained Russia’s defense industrial capacity, creating delays in spare parts supplies and new deliveries that have affected IAF operational readiness. There are also balance of payments issues, as India has been purchasing large quantities of petroleum products from Russia.

India has responded by accelerating its indigenous alternatives and diversifying its procurement portfolio – the very Atmanirbhar Bharat strategy that Operation Sindoor validated so publicly. This is a sign of strategic maturity, not estrangement. A self-reliant India that also maintains deep partnerships is a stronger India than one that is wholly dependent on any single supplier.

A year after Pahalgam, the verdict on Russian systems in Indian service is clear. The S-400 held India’s skies during Operation Sindoor, against every drone and missile Pakistan could throw at it. The BrahMos struck hardened targets with a precision that left no room for denial. The Indian Air Force achieved the world’s longest-range surface-to-air missile kill using the S-400 Triumf system, which intercepted a high-value Pakistan Air Force AEW&C aircraft at a distance of 314 km.

The Su-30 MKI, armed with Russian and indigenous air-to-air missiles alongside the most lethal supersonic cruise missile in its class, carried India’s offensive reach to distances and accuracies that forced a nuclear-armed adversary to seek a ceasefire within four days.

These outcomes were not accidental. They were the product of six decades of partnership, thousands of Indian engineers trained in Russian design bureaux, hundreds of joint exercises, and a shared strategic understanding that no amount of external pressure has been able to dissolve. The Western world may have preferred India to choose differently. India chose what worked. Operation Sindoor did not merely test India’s military capability. It tested a relationship. That relationship held.

India and Vietnam have decided to ramp up bilateral trade between the countries.

A decision has been made to boost trade from $16 billion at present to $25 billion by 2030, Prime Minister Narendra Modi said after a meeting with Vietnamese President To Lam.

Lam, who is accompanied by a high-level delegation, is on a three-day trip to India, his first state visit after being elected president in April.

“Through new initiatives in critical minerals, rare earths, and energy cooperation, we will ensure the economic security and supply chain resilience of both countries,” Modi said.

The two countries have also upgraded their relationship to an ‘enhanced comprehensive strategic partnership’.

Trade between India and Vietnam crossed $16 billion in the fiscal year that ended in March 2026.

Addressing the joint press meet with President of Vietnam, Mr. To Lam.
https://t.co/ILXwDMIxkl

— Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) May 6, 2026

“Vietnam is a key pillar of India’s Act East Policy and Vision Ocean. In the Indo-Pacific region as well, we share a common outlook,” Modi said.

The Indian prime minister also said New Delhi hopes to broaden its relations with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) with Vietnam’s cooperation.

India’s unified payments interface (UPI) and Vietnam’s fast payment system are also going to be linked soon, Modi informed.

The countries also have exchanged 13 memoranda of understanding (MoUs) across key sectors, including rare earth minerals, culture, cross-border digital payments, health, tourism, and education.

In 2025, India and Vietnam signed an agreement to set up a framework for submarine search, rescue, and support mechanisms. They also signed a letter of intent to strengthen bilateral defense industry collaboration. 

The countries are also reportedly holding parleys for a deal related to the purchase of Brahmos missiles, developed by the Indo-Russian joint venture Brahmos Aerospace.

India has rolled out a credit guarantee initiative to support businesses affected by the Middle East conflict.

The federal government announced the $2 billion capital allocation plan, the Emergency Credit Line Guarantee Scheme (ECLGS) 5.0, on Tuesday. The ECLGS facility was first introduced in May 2020 to support businesses impacted by the Covid-19 pandemic.

The plan is expected to enable additional credit flow of $3.5 billion. The borrowing cap for passenger airline companies has been set at $160 million.

“The scheme has been brought to address the stress in MSME and airline sectors due to the West Asia conflict,” Union Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw said.

The Emergency Credit Line Guarantee Scheme (ECLGS) 5.0 approved by the Cabinet reflects our commitment to supporting India’s businesses, especially the MSME sector in challenging global times. By enabling additional credit flow with strong guarantee coverage, this initiative will…

— Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) May 5, 2026

The initiative will be applicable for loans sanctioned under the plan until March 31 next year.

The loans for the airline sector, battling high jet fuel prices and stress, will have a seven-year tenor, including a two-year moratorium. For businesses, the loans will be for five years, including a one-year moratorium.

The aim is to help maintain operations and supply chains, in addition to protecting jobs amid the crisis spurred by the Middle East conflict.

The guarantees will be routed through the National Credit Guarantee Trustee Company Ltd.

In April, Indian airline companies sought government help to cushion surging jet fuel prices due to the conflict in the Middle East, which accounts for nearly 55% of crude oil imports.

More than 15,400 flights operated by Indian carriers were canceled from February 28 to April 24. 

An industry body that represents the top carriers, including Air India, IndiGo, and SpiceJet, has urged “urgent support” from the government on ATF pricing to continue airline operations.

Rating agency Moody’s has cut India’s GDP projection for the 2026-27 fiscal year to 6% from 6.8%, citing subdued private consumption, softer industrial activity, and higher input costs.

The West is crumbling into barbarism, signaling the end of the old order, former envoy Talmiz Ahmad told RT India’s In Conversation with Salman Khurshid.

The US has lost credibility and the Western alliance is in disarray, Ahmad, the former Indian ambassador to Saudi Arabia, Oman, and the UAE, said.

He added that China and Russia will be seen as playing a larger political and diplomatic role in global affairs after the Iran war is over, noting that Russia and China are “strong supporters” of Iran.

He also suggested that the Russia-India-China (RIC) troika should be at the heart of Indian diplomacy and foreign policy. A trilateral entity in which Moscow is close to both Beijing and New Delhi ensures balance in ties, he said, and if there are issues that agitate India and China, Russia’s presence will have a positive impact.

“Both BRICS and the SCO should [receive India’s] undivided attention. The Quad is now history, and sorry to say, even the G20 is… history,” Ahmad said, adding that “RIC is at the heart of BRICS.”

Watch the full episode of In Conversation with Salman Khurshid below.

When Brent crude briefly crossed $120 a barrel last week amid renewed Hormuz tensions and the UAE’s exit from OPEC, market reactions suggested something beyond just another cyclical oil shock. Markets are recognizing the erosion of the framework that governed global crude flows for decades.

The UAE’s move has triggered familiar debates over quotas, spare capacity, and Gulf rivalries. But focusing on cartel mechanics overlooks a deeper shift. OPEC’s fracture reveals the premise that producers could manage supply while others guaranteed stable sea lanes was always conditional. That era has ended.

For much of its history, OPEC operated within a relatively predictable system. Oil moved through a handful of critical chokepoints, the Strait of Hormuz foremost among them, and the cartel adjusted production to influence prices. Markets now price geopolitical risk alongside supply and demand. They are factoring in war-risk insurance, sanctions-driven rerouting, and the possibility that key transit routes may face prolonged disruption.

Asian refiners are already recalculating freight exposure as rerouting via Red Sea extends voyage times and pushes up insurance costs. Producers, meanwhile, are adapting to a market where route stability can no longer be taken for granted.

This broader context helps explain the strategic logic behind the UAE’s decision. Abu Dhabi has invested heavily in expanding production capacity toward 5 million barrels per day (mbpd) by 2027 from the current 4.85 mbpd, even as OPEC+ agreements constrained actual output significantly below that threshold.

There is also a parallel demand-side shift shaping producer calculations. Major Asian importers, particularly India, are actively seeking more flexible supplier relationships that operate outside traditional cartel structures. Indian officials have already signaled interest in negotiating long-term oil trade agreements with the UAE now that Abu Dhabi is no longer constrained by OPEC production quotas.

The benefits are straightforward. Proximity means lower freight costs, bilateral deals allow flexible pricing, and direct arrangements avoid possible constraints associated with cartel.

For the UAE, this represents more than a break with OPEC. It signals repositioning toward an energy landscape where securing long term Asian demand through flexible export arrangements may matter more than maintaining the appearance of collective discipline.

OPEC attempts coordinated cuts to support prices while the routes moving that oil grow increasingly unreliable. Production quotas mean nothing if tankers cannot move freely.

From OPEC quotas to naval blockades

The older OPEC framework was built for an era when oversupply and price crashes were the main worry. The threats oil markets are facing now are entirely different. Geopolitics has changed how oil moves. The Strait of Hormuz, which carried roughly 20 million barrels per day before Iran effectively closed it in March, represents what the International Energy Agency has called the largest oil supply disruption in history.

Within this context, divergence inside OPEC+ makes more sense. The UAE’s exit exposes a widening gap between collective discipline and national strategy. Saudi Arabia still anchors the group, often taking deeper cuts to prop up prices. But not every producer operates on the same timeline. For Abu Dhabi, securing future market share in Asia matters more than defending a coordination system designed for different circumstances.

Iran reads the situation through a different lens. Tehran has long viewed energy security as a contest over access, pressure, and control of routes. Rising militarization and sanctions have already turned the oil trade into a geopolitical struggle. The UAE’s departure confirms that producers are going their own way in a fragmented system.

OPEC isn’t collapsing. It retains influence, largely through Saudi Arabia’s spare capacity. But the assumptions that held it together – predictable shipping, aligned incentives, centralized management – are eroding.

The rise of parallel energy networks

Russian crude has been redirected toward Asian markets following Western sanctions. This has reshaped tanker routes and altered margins and payment mechanisms. Sanctions did not crunch the supply from those producers they were aimed at, but rather accelerated the diversification of trade channels.

For Asian importers, this shift has been enabling and destabilizing in equal measure. Flexible LNG cargoes diversified crude sourcing, and new trading routes have reduced dependence on any single supplier. But they have also tied energy security more tightly to geopolitics, logistics, and financial infrastructure.

For Asian importers, this shift has been both enabling and destabilizing. While they have been able to diversify crude sourcing, their energy security is increasingly tied to geopolitics, logistics and financial infrastructure.

Market participants recognize this transition. Industry observers note the system may absorb shocks like the UAE’s exit without immediate disruption. But that calm reflects adaptation, not the old stability. Recent analysis shows how overlapping supply and security networks are now shaped as much by political alignment as by market efficiency. The global oil system no longer revolves around a single center; it is fragmenting into multiple interconnected but distinct circuits.

Asia’s rise and the new competition for energy relevance

Demand is shifting decisively eastward. India is expected to add 1 mbpd by 2030, the largest increase of any country globally, and account for nearly half of all incremental global oil demand through 2035. This shift is reshaping producer strategies. Gulf exporters are no longer just defending price levels. They’re competing for long-term relevance in Asian markets where Gulf-Asia trade reached $516 billion in 2024, double the $256 billion Gulf-West trade volume.

For Asian economies, the implications are more complex. Diversification across the Gulf, Russia, the US, and Africa improves bargaining power but embeds them in a more fragmented and politically sensitive system. Energy security now means more than securing supply it requires safer shipping routes, insurance frameworks, refining systems, and strategic reserves. When any of these elements fail, the economic fallout extends far beyond energy costs alone.

India’s experience illustrates this. As prices surged amid Hormuz tensions, the rupee weakened sharply while inflation pressures intensified and current account deficits widened. Maritime disruptions now carry immediate macroeconomic consequences.

Policy responses are evolving accordingly. Strategic reserves, refinery expansion, growing  renewable capacity and nuclear energy generation are increasingly viewed as parts of a broader resilience framework. Maritime security has gained prominence, with Hormuz identified as a key strategic focus.

India has deepened US engagement on LNG and technology, maintained Gulf ties, and continued Russian crude imports despite narrowing discounts. The goal is not alignment with any single bloc but flexibility in a fragmented market. It’s no longer who controls production, but who can ensure oil and the infrastructure moving it function reliably in an increasingly uncertain world.

India has reacted to an Iranian drone strike on a petroleum industrial site in Fujairah in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) on Monday.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi said in a post on X on Tuesday that New Delhi “strongly condemns” the attacks on the UAE that injured three Indian nationals.
“Targeting civilians and infrastructure is unacceptable,” he said in a strongly worded post, which did not name Iran.

The strike targeted the Fujairah Petroleum Industries Zone and caused a “major fire” at the site, the emirate’s media office said in a statement on Facebook on Monday. According to the authorities, the Indians hurt in the attack sustained slight injuries and were taken to the hospital.

Modi said India stands “in firm solidarity” with the UAE, and reiterated its support for the peaceful resolution of all issues “through dialogue and diplomacy.”

Strongly condemn the attacks on the UAE that resulted in injuries to three Indian nationals. Targeting civilians and infrastructure is unacceptable.

India stands in firm solidarity with the UAE and reiterates its support for the peaceful resolution of all issues through…

— Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) May 5, 2026

Ensuring safe and unimpeded navigation through the Strait of Hormuz is vital for enduring regional peace, stability, and global energy security, he added.

The UAE had said the attack was the first since a ceasefire was announced on April 8. The UAE Defense Ministry said earlier on Monday that three Iranian cruise missiles were successfully shot down over the Arab nation’s territorial waters. Iranian officials cited by state-run IRIB news agency, however, stated that Tehran has no plan to target the UAE.

A ceasefire between Iran and the US is seen as increasingly shaky as the two countries continue exchanging words over the Strait of Hormuz after the US announced an operation to escort trapped vessels through the strategic choke point. US President Donald Trump has decided to maintain a naval blockade of Iranian ports to pressure Tehran to agree to a peace settlement. Iranian officials term the blockade an “act of war” that violates the ceasefire.

Millions of football fans in India and China, the world’s two most populous nations, are facing the prospect of a blackout of the 2026 football World Cup. A broadcast deal with India is yet to be finalized, Reuters reported on Tuesday. There has also been no deal announcement for China.

The world’s leading sports spectator event starts in the US, Mexico, and Canada on June 11.

“Discussions in China and India regarding the sale ⁠of media rights for the FIFA World Cup 2026 are ongoing and must remain confidential at this stage,” the sport’s governing body told Reuters.   

With just five weeks before the start of the tournament, that is an unusual scenario. FIFA said it has concluded deals with “175 territories globally.”

In India, a joined venture between Reliance Group, led by billionaire Mukesh Ambani, and Disney has offered $20 million for broadcast rights. This is only a fraction of what FIFA is seeking, the report said. FIFA initially sought $100 million for broadcast rights for the 2026 and 2030 World Cups together, according to Reuters.

Sony has also held talks for India broadcast rights, but has reportedly decided to skip making an offer.

104 matches. Locked in.

The #FIFAWorldCup 2026™ match schedule ⤵️ pic.twitter.com/ZYofjO8z41

— FIFA World Cup (@FIFAWorldCup) December 6, 2025

India and China together accounted for 22.6% of the global digital streaming reach for the 2022 World Cup held in Qatar. That time, Reliance’s standalone media arm secured the rights for a reported $60 million in India. 

This year, FIFA has reportedly lowered the asking price but is wary of the $20 million offer put forth. An unnamed source told Reuters that FIFA is looking for a similar amount as in 2022.

The Reliance-Disney venture doesn’t expect a huge Indian viewership for most matches, which will air past midnight local time, the report noted. More than 87% of the 104 World Cup matches are expected to air after 10pm Indian Standard Time. Football also provides a limited scope for advertising compared with cricket, which is the most popular sport in India.

Around 5 billion people engaged with the last FIFA World Cup in Qatar 2022, with the final between Argentina and France reaching 1.5 billion viewers globally.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) made unprecedented gains in regional elections, according to the results announced by the Election Commission on Monday.

Votes for the election, which was held in April, were counted throughout the day on Monday across four states – Tamil Nadu, Assam, West Bengal and Kerala – and the union territory of Puducherry.

The BJP swept to victory in the northeastern state of West Bengal, a major battleground, for the first time in the state’s history, taking power from the opposition Trinamool Congress led by popular politician Mamata Banerjee. Modi’s party also retained its position in the neighboring state of Assam for the third consecutive term.

The BJP also made surprise gains in the southern state of Kerala, winning three seats for the first time. In Kerala, the main opposition party, Indian National Congress, returned to power, defeating a coalition led by the Left parties. However, the Congress failed to make gains in other states.

The election results are viewed by political commentators in India as a significant boost for Modi and the BJP, which has governed at the federal level for three consecutive terms since 2014 but is now facing strong resistance to its plans to increase parliamentary seats ahead of the 2029 general elections.

Addressing party workers at the BJP headquarters in New Delhi, Modi called the win in West Bengal “historic and unprecedented.”

Aftershocks of these results will be felt for a long time, probably all the way up to 2029, Omar Abdullah, a prominent opposition politician from India’s Jammu and Kashmir, said.

Elections in India have always meant @PrannoyRoy7749 for sane, sensible interpretation of the trends & results and that’s why today the screens in my office have been tuned to @DeKoderAI to watch the unfolding political earthquake in West Bengal & Tamil Nadu. The aftershocks of…

— Omar Abdullah (@OmarAbdullah) May 4, 2026

Elections in Tamil Nadu brought another surprising victory – that of recently formed party Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) led by actor-turned-politician Vijay. The party won 107 seats in its electoral debut, thus becoming the largest single party. It also shattered the decades-long domination of the two key regional parties, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK).

In this southern state, over 12 million voters aged between 18 and 29 made up 21.2% of the electorate, local media reported, noting that the scale of participation of the so-called Gen-Z likely influenced the outcome.

Nepal has raised objections with neighbors India and China over their plans to conduct an annual pilgrimage that passes through high‑altitude Himalayan territory administered by New Delhi but claimed by Kathmandu.

On Sunday, Nepal’s Foreign Ministry sent diplomatic notes to India and China regarding the proposed Kailash Mansarovar pilgrimage. The journey, a sacred route to Mount Kailash and Lake Mansarovar in Tibet, passes through Lipulekh, which Nepal claims as its territory.

The ministry said Nepal has consistently urged India to refrain from activities in the region, including road construction, expansion, border trade and pilgrimages. It added that China has also been officially informed that Lipulekh lies within Nepali territory.

The move came in response to India’s announcement that the 2026 Kailash Mansarovar Yatra will be conducted between June and August in coordination with Beijing. India and China agreed to restart the popular pilgrimage last year as part of a general warming in diplomatic and economic ties that had been strained after the 2020 border clash. The pilgrimage, initially stopped due to the Covid pandemic, was resumed in 2025.

India on Monday issued a statement reiterating its position. “Lipulekh Pass has been a long‑standing route for the Kailash Manasarovar Yatra since 1954. The yatra through this route has been going on for decades. This is not a new development,” the Ministry of External Affairs said. It added that India remains “open to a constructive interaction” with Nepal to resolve the territorial issue.

Our response to media queries regarding comments made by Foreign Ministry of Nepal on border issue in the context of the Kailash Mansarovar Yatra ⬇️

🔗 https://t.co/ouqMCjhwlb pic.twitter.com/hM7lJgh5Uc

— Randhir Jaiswal (@MEAIndia) May 3, 2026

Nepal has long protested Indian efforts to build connectivity and conduct land trade with China through the pass, while New Delhi has repeatedly rejected Kathmandu’s claim over the territory.

In August 2025, Nepal reiterated its claim to the pass after India and China announced the resumption of trade through it. New Delhi maintains that trade with Beijing via Lipulekh began in 1954 and continued until 1962, when the two nations fought a war, and that it resumed in 1992 after an almost three‑decade pause.

Indo-Russian BrahMos Aerospace posts record 2025-26 revenue with 48.6% growth. Vietnam eyes $611.5 mn deal for supersonic missiles as India expands global defense exports

BrahMos Aerospace, a joint venture by Indian and Russian defense manufacturers, posted record revenue in the last fiscal year, India’s Defense Research and Development Organization (DRDO) has said.

The earnings for the 2025-26 financial year (ending March 31) stood at $548.24 million, the DRDO stated on Thursday. It is a 48.6% surge from $368.9 million recorded a year ago.

Brahmos Aerospace is also steadily growing its footprint in the global defense market with two export orders worth $420 million signed in 2025-26, DRDO said.

A big leap towards #AatmanirbharDefence

BrahMos Aerospace revenue has crossed ₹5200 crores for the year 2025-2026

The new Lucknow facility has started rolling out the first batch of missiles within a year of commencing operations.

Brahmos Aerospace is also steadily growing…

— DRDO (@DRDO_India) April 30, 2026

A deal with Vietnam is currently in the works and could be signed when its President To Lam visits New Delhi next week, India Today reported.

The deal includes shore-based BrahMos batteries for coastal defence, along with training, logistics, and an initial batch of missiles, and is reportedly estimated at $611.5 million. Moscow has cleared the transfer, the report said,  signalling the continued defense cooperation between India, Russia, and Vietnam.

If the deal materializes, Vietnam would become the third Southeast Asian nation to induct the supersonic cruise missiles into its arsenal. Last year, the Philippines became the first third-party customer for the BrahMos system, taking delivery of an initial batch in April under a $375 million agreement signed in 2023.

Earlier this month, India inducted a warship capable of carrying BrahMos supersonic missiles into its naval fleet.

The strategic importance of Greater Nicobar, the southernmost and largest of the Nicobar islands of India that dominate the Malacca Strait – a critical maritime chokepoint through which 60% of global trade passes – have once again come into focus due to the turmoil in the Gulf of Hormuz amid the ongoing Iran War.

Against that backdrop, the Indian government earlier this month submitted a draft master plan for developing Greater Nicobar island.

The group of Andaman and Nicobar islands (ANI), governed as a single union territory by the central government of India, covers an area of 8,249 square kilometers. The entire island chain consists of 836 islands, including islets and rocky outcrops, of which about 31 are permanently inhabited. 

Located 1300 kilometers southeast of the Indian mainland, these territories are India’s premier maritime and air outpost, offering immense strategic leverage in the Indian Ocean. They act as a crucial bridge between South and Southeast Asia and as a strategic gateway for India into the Malacca Strait, which is a crucial shipping route connecting the Indian Ocean and the South China Sea.

The Nicobar islands are instrumental for India in monitoring shipping lanes and help to extend its military reach. They serve as a key bulwark of India’s Act East Policy against the growing influence of China in the region. The islands act as a permanent air and naval base, facilitating power projection and rapid military deployment in the eastern and northern Indian Ocean. They support comprehensive maritime domain awareness, and also provide a first line of defense against both traditional and non-conventional threats such as illegal fishing, drug trafficking, and piracy. 

The islands provide 300,000 sq. km of additional Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), rich with underwater mineral and hydrocarbon resources. Sustainable power projects are designed to enhance both economic growth and strategic defense capability.

Great Nicobar Development Plan

The mega plan envisages a $9.9 billion mega-infrastructure project with proposed focus on tourism as the “primary economic driver” of growth. It is being envisioned as a “seaside destination to relax, enjoy theme parks, and wellness tourism in a pristine, unspoilt and protected environment.”

Maritime and port development will enhance connectivity through new jetties and expanding port facilities to accommodate large cargo vessels. It will give boost to tourism, entertainment, and processing clusters along the eastern coast of the island from Galathea Bay in the south to Campbell Bay in the north. Situated near the Malacca Strait, these projects aim to reduce dependence on foreign ports (like Singapore or Colombo) for container handling.

The project is expected to span 166 sq km. Of this, around 40% has been set aside as “urbanizable,” with the rest allocated to “special projects” including an airport, container port, freight and passenger terminals, defense area, and a green development area where no tree-felling will be allowed. About 129 sq. km of land is expected to come from diverted forest areas.

The project also intends to get the “population to settle here,” through both permanent and temporary jobs that will be created.  The plan has been drafted for a projected population of 336,000 by 2055. Of this, the local Nicobarese population is expected to grow to about 11,500 from the current 7,500. The annual inflow of tourists to the island by that time is expected to achieve more than a million people. The development will be in phases and will finish by 2047 in line with the targets of the Narendra Modi-led government’s vision ’Viksit Bharat’ (Developed India).

Hydro Carbons Potential

The ANI Basin is a highly promising, under-explored frontier. India’s Directorate General of Hydrocarbons estimates hydrocarbon potential at 371 MMTOE (Million Metric Tons of Oil Equivalent).

In 2025, Oil India conducted a three-well drilling campaign that proved commercial gas potential in the Andaman shallow/deep-water, including at a depth of 295 meters.

To speed up exploring and identifying crude oil and hydrocarbon reserves in the Andaman-Nicobar basin, the Indian government has opened up previously restricted areas and is encouraging investments via the Open Acreage Licensing Program. The discovery is crucial for India’s energy transition toward cleaner fuel (methane over coal) and holds the potential to significantly enhance India’s offshore energy assets.

The Strategic Focus

The Great Nicobar project fits well into India’s Act East Policy, launched by Prime Minister Narendra Modi in 2014. It is a strategic, proactive, and dynamic shift from the 1991 Look East Policy, focusing on enhancing economic, cultural, and strategic ties with Southeast Asia and the Indo-Pacific region. The policy prioritizes regional stability and the development of India’s northeastern states bordering China, Bangladesh, and Myanmar.

New Delhi’s transition to ‘Act East’ emphasizes rapid implementation, with a focus on maritime security and a rules-based order, particularly in partnership with Indo-Pacific powers. The policy has facilitated deeper cooperation, including the sale of BrahMos missiles to the Philippines and maritime exercises.

The Nicobar Islands therefore hold critical strategic importance for India, acting as a “geostrategic pivot” in the Indian Ocean and a vital maritime watchdog. Indira Point adjacent to the Galathea Bay, India’s southernmost point, is just 145 km north of Indonesia’s northernmost Rondo Island and 160 km from the Western Entrance of Malacca strait.

The 800-kilometer strait is crucial for global supply chains, but its narrowest point, less than three kilometers wide, makes it a risk point for piracy and maritime security, often referred to as the “Malacca Dilemma” by nations reliant on it.

The Nicobar Islands secure trade routes, enable power projection, and facilitate regional cooperation against security threats, effectively acting as India’s first line of defense against Eastern maritime threats. The islands enable the Indian Navy to monitor the crucial maritime route.

Expanding Military Assets

As the home to India’s only joint services Andaman and Nicobar Command (ANC), the islands enable enhanced, integrated surveillance, anti-submarine warfare, and rapid deployment capabilities. ANI control the “arc of power” in the Bay of Bengal, anchored by the ANC. Key assets include major naval and air bases, and missile batteries, designed to monitor maritime traffic. INS Utkrosh (Port Blair) is the primary air station for aerial operations. INS Kohassa (Diglipur) is the northern air base for surveillance. INS Baaz (Campbell Bay) is the southernmost air station overlooking the Malacca Strait. INS Jarawa (Port Blair) houses the floating dock FDN-1. INS Kardip is a strategic naval facility in the Nicobar group.

The ANC oversees Army infantry brigades with armored columns, Navy missile corvettes, amphibious warships, and patrol vehicles. Rutland Island is frequently used for joint amphibious assault exercises.

The existing military areas of the Indian Navy and Air Force (IAF) are being expanded to house more permanent assets. The runways at Diglipur and at Air Force Station Car Nicobar are being lengthened, and airfield assets including hardened shelters will allow sustained operations. The National Green Tribunal (NGT) has cleared the mega-infrastructure project, citing it as of ‘strategic importance’.

The Way Ahead for Mega Plan

The Great Nicobar project faced scrutiny due to significant environmental impact, large-scale forest land diversion, and potential effects on local biodiversity and tribal communities. But the strong leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and a clear development strategy have allowed work to progress.

The military airstrips in the ANC including Car Nicobar, Campbell Bay, and Diglipur have been designated for dual‑use activation to expand civilian air services across the archipelago, thus reflecting a model of symbiotic civil‑military growth. A phased transformation of the ANC into a strategic outpost would strengthen India’s image as a preferred security partner among Indian Ocean littorals. A Su-30 MKI with single air refueling will be able to reach the South China Sea when operating from Car Nicobar. Land based BrahMos missiles will also be positioned.

New Delhi’s engagement with its neighbors through the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC), an international organization of seven South Asian and Southeast Asian nations, alongside provision of operational turnaround facilities to friendly navies and the undertaking of coordinated patrols (CORPATs), can further promote regional order and cooperation.

India’s development of the ANI have progressively emerged as a pillar of its maritime diplomacy in the eastern Indian Ocean Region. The strategic advantages are phenomenal. Surveillance of extra-regional warships, deep-sea fishing fleets, ‘dark shipping’, illegal activities, and research vessels along key chokepoints is essential and the ANI offer distinct advantages in facilitating this task. Similarly, the emerging hydrocarbon potential has to be exploited and secured.

ANI could become a multifunctional node for container trade, cold‑chain exports, maritime services, and digital commerce, creating steady demand for feeder services, warehousing, and skilled local employment, while deepening India’s integration with Bay of Bengal littorals and ASEAN supply chains.

The completion of the Chennai-ANI submarine cable (CANI), a 2,300 km high-speed fiber-optic link, has laid a strong foundation for sustained digital connectivity and future growth. In all this, the interests of the several tribal groups that the Andaman Islands are famous for has been looked into.

With increasing Chinese Navy presence in the Indian Ocean Region, India requires enhanced and sustained naval and air presence and stringent access monitoring at the Malacca Strait, staged through the ANI, to enable timely responses to potential military build-ups. The new infrastructure will allow it to integrate the islands more deeply into the national security architecture, and reinforce the country’s maritime posture in the Indo-Pacific.

The ANI are the most strategically located islands anywhere in the world. With focused development and military empowerment, these islands could emerge as India’s strategic fulcrum against misadventures by India’s northern neighbor. Land-based air power has its own operational advantages and lesser risks. Major infrastructure development of the ANI will tilt the strategic balance further towards India.

Air India will cut about 100 flights across international routes starting from June, the Economic Times reported on Friday.

India’s second-largest carrier, which was privatized and bought by Tata Group in 2022, operates roughly 1,100 daily flights. The steepest reductions are expected on long-haul international routes to Europe, North America, Australia, and Singapore, where fuel consumption is highest.

An unidentified Air India official told the outlet that the airline is currently unable to recover operating costs on a large number of flights. The carrier has already accumulated losses of about $2.1 billion, the report noted, with its finances hit hard since the closure of Pakistan’s airspace following the military standoff in May 2025.

The closure has forced Indian carriers to take longer routes, significantly increasing operating costs.

The report comes amid an industry-wide plea by Indian airline companies for the federal government to intervene, as surging ATF (Aviation Turbine Fuel) prices threaten their commercial viability.

On Friday, India announced hikes for jet fuel prices for international airlines. However, it maintained that there was no change in ATF prices for domestic airlines.

Earlier in April, India raised fuel prices for international flights while only slightly increasing rates for domestic routes. The hike for domestic carriers was capped due to a government intervention, which directed state‑run oil marketing companies to limit the increase to 25%.

The retail prices of petrol, diesel, and domestic LPG (14.2 kg cylinders) have remained unchanged, fully insulating domestic consumers from the recent increase in international fuel prices. No change in prices of domestic LPG (14.2 kg) for 33 crore domestic LPG consumers. No…

— ANI (@ANI) May 1, 2026

Fuel accounts for up to 40% of an airline’s operating costs and seemingly minor price hikes impact profitability, making tickets more expensive.

Jet fuel prices in India have soared past the $2,140 per kiloliter mark amid the ongoing Middle East conflict, well above the previous high of $1,180 per kiloliter recorded in 2022 after the outbreak of the Ukraine crisis.

Globally, jet fuel prices averaged $179 per barrel, an over-80% increase from the $99 per barrel level observed in late February 2026.

More than 15,400 flights operated by Indian carriers were canceled from February 28 to April 24. Airlines are now operating just 50-55 flights per day to the Middle East, compared to nearly 200 daily services earlier. 

India is the world’s third-largest domestic aviation market. The sector provides more than 369,000 jobs directly and 7.7 million indirectly, according to official figures.

The NATO states would have joined the US and Israel in their war on Iran “like vultures” if Washington had succeeded in the initial days, an Indian strategic affairs expert has said.

The European nations did not want to “get caught in the crossfire,” Zorawar Daulet Singh told RT India in the latest episode of the podcast India, Russia, and the World.

“They’re seeing the US has really played a hand, which has backfired very badly,” Singh said, adding this does not mean a breakdown in the “US-European unity.”

Pakistan tried to play a mediating role by urging “the Iranians to accept the American kind of framework,” Singh said. “I think the Iranians have kind of reached a dead end with that.”

Singh spoke of the importance of Moscow for Tehran. “Iran knows that it needs bigger partners, it needs a stable long-term partnership,” he said, citing the recent Moscow visit of its foreign minister as a step in this direction. “Russia sees Iran as, in a sense, a second front of its struggle with the West.”

Russia, India, China, and Iran are emerging as “the stabilizing players for the next 100 years,” Singh added.

There is an impression in Iran and elsewhere “that the Americans are not prepared for a second round,” he said, adding that the US knows it will also get battered in such a scenario.

The US mainstream media and former administration officials, who are part of the American establishment, now admit “that Iran holds strong cards and they can’t be wished away,” Singh said.

“Whether it’s your trade, tariffs, energy security, geopolitics, Pakistan…on every aspect, the facts and the empirical evidence suggests that the US approach to India is not what it was, let’s say, 20, 25 years ago,” Singh said.

“We have a misplaced sense that these are transient trends, that ultimately America will go back to what it was after Trump,” he added, terming it as “a completely naive and a delusional perspective.”

The US-India relationship simply cannot go back to what it was, Singh noted.

Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov will visit India in May for the BRICS foreign ministers’ meeting, Moscow has confirmed.

India is the current chair of the group.

“A substantive and in-depth discussion of current international issues and prospects for improving the global governance system” is expected during Lavrov’s visit, Russian Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Maria Zakharova said on Wednesday.

Preparations for the 18th BRICS Summit, to be held in New Delhi in September, which Russian President Vladimir Putin is likely to attend, will also be on the agenda.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is also slated to visit Moscow later this year.

Lavrov will also engage in bilateral talks with Indian Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar. “We plan to discuss the full range of bilateral relations, including the schedule of upcoming contacts at the highest, high and working levels,” Zakharova said.

In October 2018, India signed a $5 billion deal with Russia to buy five units of the missile systems, of which three have already been delivered. New Delhi also reportedly plans to place new orders.

Negotiations for the supply and production of the Su-57 fighter jet in the South Asian nation are at a “deep technical stage,” Vadim Badekha, CEO of Russia’s United Aircraft Corporation (UAC), said in January.

Russia is keen to receive “an unlimited number” of skilled workers from India as part of a labor mobility pact signed during Putin’s visit to India last December.

The United Arab Emirates’ decision to withdraw from the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries is a natural move, a top Russian policy expert has said.

Membership in any organization is relevant when it corresponds to national interests, Russian International Affairs Council General Director Ivan Timofeev said on an RT India panel. “When the perception of the national interest changes, it’s reasonable to expect that a state or member changes its stance.”

Timofeev added that given the current tensions in the Middle East, it is natural to expect a major player like the UAE to “strive to keep more free hands in terms of supplies... extraction [and] other factors which determine its national income.”

Though the Iran war significantly triggered the decision, the origins of this move emerged beforehand, he said. “But what is clear is that the attack against Iran stimulated and galvanized this way of thinking.”

Russia has welcomed the UAE’s move as a “sovereign decision.”

Also speaking on the panel, the host of RT’s New Order, Afshin Rattansi, noted that the UAE is already preparing for the post-war scenario. “There will be conversations in Delhi at the BRICS summit exactly about what a multipolar world means for energy resources,” he said.

Indian airline companies have sought government help as surging jet fuel prices threaten commercial viability.

The Federation of Indian Airlines (FIA) – an industry body that represents the top carriers, including Air India, IndiGo, and SpiceJet – said in a letter that “urgent support is required for ATF pricing to continue” airline operations. “The airline industry in India is under extreme stress and on the verge of closing down or of stopping its operations.”

The FIA said the aviation turbine fuel (ATF) pricing has become “increasingly unpredictable,” impacting domestic and international operations. “ATF adhoc pricing is creating severe imbalance in domestic and international operations and rendering airline networks unviable and unsustainable.”

Earlier this month, India hiked fuel prices for international flights and marginally increased energy prices for domestic routes.

The surge in ATF costs has increased airline operation costs from 30%-40% to 55%-60%, the FIA said.

The FIA’s move comes amid mounting speculation that the government will raise fuel prices once voting in state elections ends on April 29, Bloomberg reported.

On Tuesday, officials denied plans to raise gasoline prices but declined to answer a similar question on ATF.

More than 15,400 flights operated by Indian carriers were canceled from February 28 to April 24, CNBC TV18 reported on Monday. It said Indian carriers are now operating just 50-55 flights a day to the Middle East, compared to nearly 200 daily services earlier.

This is the first time ATF prices in India have surpassed the $2,145.36 per kiloliter mark. The previous high was recorded in 2022, when rates climbed to around $1,180 per kiloliter following the escalation of the Ukraine conflict.

In India, state-backed fuel retailers normally revise ATF prices on the first day of every month based on international benchmarks and exchange rates. The prices were deregulated in 2001.

An incident in India in which a man carried the skeleton of his sister to a bank as proof of death to withdraw her money has sparked outrage in the South Asian country.

Images of the incident on Monday in the eastern Indian state of Odisha have gone viral.

The state-owned parent bank of the lender has clarified that it had only sought valid documents to withdraw the money of the deceased, denying reports that the bank demanded the physical presence of the deceased.

The bank said it has settled the claim amount of $204 in the name of three legal heirs and has handed over the money to them.

Odisha Minister Suresh Pujari said there was a “lack of humanitarian approach,” adding that the government will ensure strict action against the officials involved.

Opposition parties slammed the incident as insensitive. An opposition lawmaker of the Upper House of Parliament, Manas Ranjan, has urged federal Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman’s urgent intervention in simplifying banking procedures, PTI reported.

Social media users were also quick to express outrage over the incident.

A heartbreaking story from Keonjhar has shaken Odisha.

Jeetu Munda, a poor villager from Mallipashi, lost his sister two months ago. ₹19,300 remained in her bank account. He reportedly made repeated visits to withdraw the money for urgent needs, but was told the account holder… pic.twitter.com/vDfCpBfKQg

— Satya Prakash Nayak (@SatyaPrNayak) April 27, 2026

A man in Odisha dug up his deceased sister’s grave and brought her skeleton to the bank Just to prove she had died.

He had been trying to withdraw ₹20,000 from her account, but bank officials kept insisting he bring the account holder in person. Despite repeatedly telling them… pic.twitter.com/hICEqwvPFu

— Woke Eminent (@WokePandemic) April 28, 2026

“When rules are bent for corruption, files move fast. But when the poor need dignity, compassion and common sense, the system becomes rigid,” a user posted on X.

“This is not just one man’s tragedy. It is a mirror to governance, banking accountability,” it said.

Another user pointed out that the incident took place in the home district of the top minister in the state. “This incident shows not just a lack of awareness, but also a failure of basic human understanding in the system,” another user posted.

New Delhi is engaged in talks with Washington and Tehran on the development of a key port in Iran, the Indian Foreign Ministry has said.

The statement comes after a temporary sanctions waiver by the US on the port of Chabahar in Iran ended on April 26.

“As to where we are, this issue [Chabahar development] is under discussion with both Iran and the United States,” Foreign Ministry spokesman Randhir Jaiswal said in response to a query on the situation in the Middle East on Monday.

“The current conflict is also a complicating factor,” Jaiswal added.

India’s Chabahar investment “can proceed in accordance with existing agreements,” a top Iranian diplomat told RT India earlier in April.

In May 2016, India and Iran signed a memorandum of understanding for developing the Chabahar facility.

The project has been facing US restrictions since 2012, although New Delhi secured a waiver in 2018 to be part of the development, which is viewed as vital for expanding its trade with Russia, Central Asia, and Afghanistan.

The US revoked the sanctions exception last year, but later extended a conditional waiver, which ended on Sunday.

In January, President Donald Trump hardened the US stance on Iran and said any country doing business with the Islamic Republic will face a 25% tariff, further complicating New Delhi’s involvement in the port’s development.

Chabahar, situated on the Gulf of Oman in southeastern Iran, is strategically located and is part of the International North-South Transport Corridor, a shipping route developed by India, Iran, and Russia, as an alternative to the Suez Canal.

The port is also central to India’s strategy to counterbalance China’s influence in the region, particularly through the development of Pakistan’s Gwadar Port.

India and Russia are planning to set up a urea production facility at a cost of $2 billion, the Financial Express reports.

The facility – a joint venture between Russia’s Uralchem and Indian Potash, Rashtriya Chemicals and Fertilizers, and National Fertilizers – is expected to be located at Togliatti, Russia, according to the report.

“The urea plant should be ready within the next two years,” Indian Potash Managing Director PS Gahlaut told the Financial Express.

The proposed facility is expected to have an annual manufacturing capacity of 2 million tons of urea.

Gahlaut said the state-owned Projects & Development India, the consultant for the proposed urea joint venture, submitted a pre-feasibility report last week.

Indian Potash, Rashtriya Chemicals and Fertilizers, and National Fertilizers “are expected to take a call on the pre-feasibility report soon,” he told the newspaper.

The urea manufacturing facility will act as an assured supply source for India, Gahlaut added.

On April 23, Reuters reported that New Delhi has agreed to import urea at double the price it paid earlier this year, amid the supply disruption caused by the Middle East conflict.

Indian Potash agreed to buy 2.5 million tons of urea, or nearly a quarter of its annual imports of around 10 million tons in 2025.

India is the world’s biggest urea importer. The nation’s urea production depends heavily on natural gas, which is mainly imported from the Middle East.

Rating agency ICRA projects that India’s reliance on urea imports will increase to around 30% of total consumption by 2030.

India is looking to boost fertilizer imports from Russia, Belarus, and Morocco as a supply crunch looms due to the Middle East conflict and as China announced export curbs ahead of the summer planting season.

India and New Zealand will ink a trade deal agreement on Monday, the island nation’s prime minister, Christopher Luxon, has said.

In a social media post on Sunday, Luxon said the proposed pact was initiated a year ago when he met Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi in New Delhi.

He described the pact as a “once-in-a-generation” deal that will significantly expand access for New Zealand exporters to India’s 1.4 billion-strong market.

“It means more jobs on farms and orchards, it means more money coming into local communities, and it means more opportunities for your family to get ahead,” Luxon said.

We’ll sign our Free Trade Agreement with India on Monday. pic.twitter.com/PSB5YkwRon

— Christopher Luxon (@chrisluxonmp) April 24, 2026

On April 23, the island nation’s prime minister shared a video highlighting the expected benefits of the free trade agreement.

The FTA between India and New Zealand will provide huge opportunities for domestic firms, Indian Commerce Minister Piyush Goyal said.

Goyal, who also held discussions with visiting New Zealand Trade and Investment Minister Todd McClay, said the pact aims to double bilateral trade and facilitate duty-free access to the island nation’s markets for Indian companies.

New Zealand has committed to invest $20 billion in India over the next 15 years to boost manufacturing, infrastructure, services, innovation, and employment.

Trade between India and New Zealand stood at $2.4 billion in 2024, with services alone accounting for $1.24 billion, led by travel, IT, and business services.

India signed trade deals with the UK and Oman in 2025 and with the European Union in January.

New Delhi now has free trade agreements with 38 countries, and discussions are in progress to finalize a pact with the US.

Earlier in April, China said it had become India’s largest trading partner in the 2025-26 financial year, overtaking the US. Washington was New Delhi’s largest trading partner for four years in a row until 2024-25.

New Delhi “never stopped buying Russian crude” despite US sanctions on two of Russia’s biggest oil firms, Deepak Bhojwani, India’s former ambassador to several Latin American countries, including Colombia, Venezuela, and Cuba, told RT on Friday.

Washington imposed sanctions on Rosneft and Lukoil in October, which were temporarily lifted last month after the US war on Iran and the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz wreaked havoc on global fuel supplies. The US Treasury extended the sanctions waiver last week.

This allowed India to import more than $5 billion in oil in April, Bhojwani said.

“No matter what [US President] Donald Trump does, even if he levies sanctions and threatens, we will buy oil from Russia,” he said, stating that New Delhi has “called Trump’s bluff.”

“India isn’t powerless. India doesn’t have zero recourse,” the career diplomat stressed. “It has agreements with other countries, the EU most recently, and Trump realizes that he could lose more than he could gain by sanctioning India.”

“It’s a horrendous proposition to think that this could go on for a few weeks more,” he said. “[Trump] has spent blood, American blood and American treasure on a wasted war, which he has lost already.”

The US president’s allies in Europe “are beginning to realize that he’s a losing proposition,” Bhojwani said, adding that he suspects New Delhi is “waiting his term out.”

Watch the full interview below.

The Middle East crisis has been caused by the aggression of the US and Israel, Russia’s deputy foreign minister has said.

Georgy Borisenko told RT India in an exclusive chat on the sidelines of the BRICS Middle East and North Africa (MENA) consultations that the bloc’s members discussed the situation in Iran.

“It was a very good and fruitful discussion,” Borisenko told RT India on Friday. “Many of our friends supported this [Russia’s] position and we hope that with joint efforts we will be able to overcome current problems in the region.” 

The conflict is causing hardship on a global scale due to the disruption of transportation routes and the rising prices of oil and gas, Borisenko added.

❗️BRICS MENA Meeting Kicks Off In New Delhi Brings Iran, UAE, India, & Russia Representatives Together

India is represented by MEA Secretary (South), Dr Neena Malhotra, while the Russian delegation is led by Deputy FM Georgy Borisenko.

The meeting has brought together… pic.twitter.com/tradrncTdr

— RT_India (@RT_India_news) April 24, 2026

Russia believes it is a necessity for the international community, “including all BRICS members” to make their best efforts to overcome the situation, he said.

Russia remains ready to assist in finding a solution, provided Iran’s right to develop a peaceful nuclear program is upheld, Lavrov said.

The BRICS MENA meet was convened to discuss regional security, specifically focusing on stability in the Gulf.

Iran’s special envoy for the Middle East, Mahdi Shoushtari, is also taking part in the conference.

India’s central bank has warned of rising inflation risks as part of the fallout from the Middle East conflict.

The Reserve Bank of India (RBI) cautioned in its latest assessment that “upside risks have increased” on the inflation front.

“Though inflation remains contained within the tolerance band, upside risks have increased, driven by supply-side disruptions, including weather-related uncertainties,” the bank said in a bulletin on Thursday.

The RBI is taking a cautious approach but does not rule out the risk of inflation if the war persists, a top aide told the Economic Times.

Deputy Governor Poonam Gupta told the newspaper that the ⁠central bank’s assumption ​is that the conflict will be resolved in ​a few months, with “supply chains being restored subsequently and demand-supply normalizing thereafter.”

There is no evidence now of “second-round effects on inflation expectations,” she said, citing this as the reason the central bank “decided to watch and wait.”

The exact impact on the energy price would depend on the “duration of the West Asia conflict and how quickly normalcy returns to energy markets post conflict,” Gupta added.

Efficient coordination between monetary and fiscal policies has resulted in better management of inflation, she said.

The probability of El-Nino is unlikely ​to have a significant impact ​on ⁠agriculture, which has become more resilient to shocks, she noted.

Her comments come amid concerns that the Indian economy is expected to face inflationary pressure from rising petroleum product prices, following state elections.

On Thursday, HSBC downgraded India to underweight from neutral, a month after downgrading it from overweight.

The projections are in sync with the estimates of the Indian government and various multilateral agencies, the Mint newspaper reported.

The World Bank has projected India’s FY27 growth at 6.6% amid higher energy prices and supply chain disruptions. Despite this, New Delhi remains among the fastest-growing major economies, it said.

New Delhi has hit back at US President Donald Trump’s controversial social media repost of a commentary that called India and China “hellholes.”

The US president on Thursday reposted a letter from American conservative political commentator and radio host Michael Savage describing immigrants from India as “gangsters with laptops.”

In a response posted on X, Indian Foreign Ministry spokesman Randhir Jaiswal called the remarks “uninformed, inappropriate, and in poor taste.” 

“They certainly do not reflect the reality of the India-US relationship, which has long been based on mutual respect and shared interests,” Jaiswal said.

Our response to media queries regarding a social media post ⬇️

🔗 https://t.co/m9qhUcH9XP pic.twitter.com/bJJHid8g3i

— Randhir Jaiswal (@MEAIndia) April 23, 2026

The US Embassy in New Delhi reacted to Trump’s controversial post by praising US-India ties.

“[Trump] has said India is a great country with a very good friend of mine [Prime Minister Narendra Modi] at the top,” an embassy spokesperson said.

Podcaster Savage’s message criticizing the US birthright citizenship laws also claimed that immigrants have done more damage to US than “all the mafia families put together.” It also alleged bias in internal hiring mechanisms, claiming they are “run by Indians and Chinese.”

US Congressman Ami Bera, a Democrat and son of Indian immigrants, called Trump’s post “offensive, ignorant, and beneath the dignity of the office he holds.” 

“They reflect a fundamental misunderstanding of who we are as a nation. America has always been strengthened by generations of immigrants who come here, work hard, and contribute to our country,” he wrote.

The diplomatic row comes ahead of US Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s scheduled visit to New Delhi later this month, in what is seen by foreign policy commenters as an attempt to ease tensions amid ongoing turmoil in the Middle East as a result of the US-Israeli war on Iran.

Trump earlier courted controversy by claiming he was instrumental in preventing a nuclear war between India and Pakistan during a military standoff last year. New Delhi has denied that Washington brokered a ceasefire.

India has agreed to import urea at double the prices it paid earlier this year, amid the supply disruption caused by the Middle East conflict, Reuters has reported.

New Delhi is set to import a record 2.5 million metric tons of the nitrogen-based fertilizer in a single tender, the news outlet reported on Wednesday, citing government sources.

Indian Potash Ltd. has agreed to buy 1.5 million tons of urea at $935 per ton for delivery on the west coast, and an additional ⁠1 million tons at $959 per ton for delivery on the east coast, according to the report.

Before the US and Israel launched the war on Iran in late February, India’s Rashtriya ⁠Chemicals and Fertilizers received bids at $508 per ton for west coast delivery and $512 per ton for east coast delivery, Reuters reported.

The latest imports would account for nearly a quarter of its annual imports of about 10 million tons in 2025.

India is the world’s biggest urea importer, and its urea production depends heavily on natural gas, mainly imported from the Middle East. The development also comes amid a shortage of liquefied natural gas, a key feedstock for urea production.

Supply disruptions caused by the closure of the Strait of Hormuz have resulted in many domestic fertilizer facilities being forced to halt production.

Urea prices have risen globally since the Middle East war began on February 28, as about 45% of the supplies move through the Persian Gulf.

Higher import costs are likely to push up India’s fertilizer subsidy bill, as the federal government compensates fertilizer ⁠companies for selling crop nutrients to farmers at lower prices.

Indian companies import fertilizers individually but negotiate collectively with suppliers.

As New Delhi secures supplies, other nations are also expected to scramble for fertilizers, pushing up prices further and straining supplies globally.

The time is opportune for India to exploit its economic advantages globally, a former IMF director has said.

New Delhi’s comparative advantage “is labor as well as openness, [and] democracy,” Surjit Bhalla told RT India in an exclusive interview.

“If you take China out, India is the second fastest-growing economy for the last 30 years,”  he told Salman Khurshid in the latest episode of In Conversation.

One of the least recognized events for policymakers is the supreme decline in fertility globally, he said.

India still is at an advantage, “thanks to the fact that we are reaching the fertility decline a bit later than China,” Bhalla added.

“We will supply human capital to the world, we will supply labor to the world, and we will supply know-how. So I think there’s a perfect union,” he said. “GDP per capita growth is relevant, [and though] India has done well, better than any country, except China, we can do much better.”

He noted that India has been conservative in its monetary policy.

Private investment in India has gone down, and foreign direct investment as a percentage of GDP in India is at the same level as it was in 1990, Bhalla said.

In 2025, Indian stock markets showed the lowest increase relative to its peers, he noted. Bhalla cited this as the reason why a trade deal with the US “is absolutely necessary to bring the market back into our decision-making rather than bureaucrats taking … economic decisions.”

He also noted that China has enormously benefited from the rest of the world.

“So the rest of the world is now in a position of how do we stand up to this dragon in economic policies,” he said.

Bhalla cited a unique situation in which most countries, including India, have a trade deficit with China, while posting a surplus with the US.

The details of the RELOS (Reciprocal Exchange of Logistics Support) pact between New Delhi and Moscow were published on Russia’s official legal information portal last week, providing long-awaited insights into the agreement, which allows the countries to deploy troops, warships and aircraft in each other’s territory, even during conflicts. 

Interestingly, the agreement with Russia has gained greater traction now, when Washington is increasingly leaning towards Islamabad.

Alongside already deepening defense cooperation and a streamlining of operations of the militaries of the two nations, the pact also provides India with vital access to ports along the northern sea route, from Vladivostok to Murmansk. 

Discussions on the RELOS agreement began in 2018 and featured regularly in bilateral summits. By December 2021, it was reported to be in its final stages, but technical issues and differences in wording caused delays. The conflict in Ukraine further protracted negotiations.

In February 2025, the agreement was signed in Moscow. Russia ratified it in December, with President Vladimir Putin signing it into law. It entered into force on January 12, 2026. It reflects India’s assertiveness, Russia’s tenacity, and a larger move towards a more complicated balance of power in the Indo-Pacific.

RELOS in detail

The RELOS pact allows both nations to access each other’s military bases, ports, and airfields for logistics support. It facilitates refueling, repairs, and supplies for warships and aircraft, covering both peace and war. The agreement, as we learn from the recently published document, allows for the simultaneous deployment of up to 3,000 troops, five warships, and ten aircraft to be stationed on each other’s soil.

India and Russia conduct joint, biennial military exercises known as INDRA, designed to enhance interoperability and counter-terrorism cooperation between their ground, air, and naval forces. Recent exercises, such as Indra-2025, involved ground troop drills in Rajasthan and naval operations in the Bay of Bengal, focusing on counter-terrorism and maritime security.

RELOS will support cross-training between militaries. It will greatly facilitate Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HADR) missions in the countries’ areas of interest. The two can support search and rescue missions.

Logistically it streamlines the servicing of Russian-origin military hardware that makes up a vast proportion of India’s inventory. The pact acts as a logistical multiplier for both countries, strengthening maritime security cooperation, particularly in the context of changing global alliances.

The pact is in force for five years, with provisions for automatic extension with mutual consent. It applies in both peacetime and wartime, marking a practical step in deepening long-standing defense ties.

Geopolitical and tactical win-win

Geopolitically, the pact enhances India’s strategic autonomy by deepening ties with Russia while enabling a balance of power in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) against other major actors.

Strategically it enables Russia to access the IOR for maritime diversification, while giving India a strengthened presence in the Arctic and Pacific regions.

India and Russia have had recent and earlier combat experience. There is a lot for two to learn from each other. This will be more readily achieved when troops are stationed together for longer periods. There is a need for the countries to share their experience using new technologies in fields such as cognitive operations, cyber and electronic warfare, hypersonic missiles and directed energy weapons.  

RELOS will also help smoothen energy and mineral trading between the two countries. It will greatly smoothen transit for military platforms.

For India, the pact provides direct access to Russian-controlled Arctic shipping routes (Northern Sea Route).

It permits reciprocal access, specifically granting India access to Russian Arctic ports, which could include those such as Murmansk and Severomorsk. It in general supports India’s growing interest in the Arctic, including in sourcing LNG from Russia’s Yamal Peninsula. This is particularly important as India seeks to diversify its energy imports after the war in Iran disrupted supplies from the gulf.

How the pact with Russia is different from the pact with the US

Many commenters in India have compared the India-Russia RELOS pact with another agreement, signed by New Delhi and Washington a decade ago.

LEMOA (Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement) and COMCASA (Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement) are foundational military pacts between India and the US, strengthening strategic interoperability. Signed in 2016, LEMOA allows mutual access to military logistics and refueling facilities. Signed in 2018, COMCASA enables the use of encrypted, secure, and high-tech communication systems between the two militaries.

COMCASA enables the US to share secure, specialized communication equipment, facilitating better operational coordination and interoperability. It directly enables Indian forces to use US-made high-tech systems securely.

Both are part of four foundational agreements (including GSOMIA and BECA) designed to boost defense cooperation, enhance mutual trust, and facilitate secure, real-time information sharing.

However, the RELOS pact signed with Moscow is different from the agreements New Delhi has with Washington because it allows the permanent stationing of troops, aircraft, ships, etc. which is not the case in any other agreement.

Eying next-level ties

The India-Russia Strategic Partnership, established in 2000 and elevated to “Special and Privileged” status in 2010, is a foundational pillar of India’s foreign policy. Based on mutual trust and strategic convergence, it covers defense, energy, space, and technology.

In December 2021, a new format called the “2+2 Dialogue” was added, where both foreign and defense ministers meet simultaneously. The relationship remains crucial for India’s strategic autonomy and multipolar world view, surviving geopolitical shifts, particularly with record trade exceeding $68 billion in FY 2024-25.

The US has imposed CAATSA sanctions on India in the past for purchasing Russian equipment (S400). It will now be possible to have Russian equipment depots in India. The operationalization is also well timed.

The provisions of RELOS go far beyond similar pacts: none of the Indo-US agreements specifies the positioning of troops and military platforms for long periods on a more permanent basis. RELOS will enhance interoperability between militaries and also strengthens India’s Indo-Pacific strategy by enabling long-range deployments using Russia’s network of over 40 military bases. The pact boosts military cooperation and logistics support between India and one of its most reliable allies.

The agreement is crucial for India, as it supports maintaining the 60 to 70% of India’s military inventory that is Russian-origin, including Submarines, Su-30MKIs, and S-400 systems. RELOS enhances the operational reach and endurance of the Indian Navy and Air Force, especially for Russian-origin platforms, and improves logistical readiness for distant operations.

RELOS is clearly a “win-win” for both. It boosts strategic autonomy for India while providing Russia with logistical depth in warmer waters, and is geopolitical messaging for the US. 

Pacts like RELOS make the two nations closer and increase cooperation in current and future defense production programs like BrahMos, AK 203 Rifles, 12 additional SU-30 MKI, and the fleet upgrade. It brings greater cooperation in possible future programs like Su-57E, Light Utility Helicopter (LUH) Ka 226T, and R-37M air-to-air missiles. There is a great scope to work on Shaheed drones, which Russia has mastered and India is scouting to make.   

India and Russia have always had mature time-tested relations. The two do not believe in knee-jerk reactions in their relationship. RELOS pushes India even closer to Russia with tangible strategic consequences.

Iran’s “red lines” on restarting the talks to end the Middle East conflict with the US have changed, a leading expert in Tehran has said.

The Americans were trying to provoke a kind of violent insurrection among Iranians, Prof. Elham Kadkhodaee of Tehran University told RT India in an exclusive interview on Wednesday.

“Iran’s red lines in terms of its capability and its will to use its military power have changed. Tehran now controls the Strait of Hormuz,” she added.

“What the Iranians are saying right now is that we, whatever situation we have right now, it’s not going to go back to that status quo,” Kadkhodaee said before a planned second round of talks in Islamabad was postponed.

The status quo was one in which we were under extreme economic sanctions,” she noted.

Kadkhodaee, an assistant professor of West Asian Studies at the University of Tehran, said the Iran and the US have entirely different ideas of what a deal would look like.

Iran has experienced decades of sanctions, war, and backtracking by the US on its promises, she added, saying that “all of this has not been very much constructive in terms of convincing the Iranians that negotiations… are going to be productive.”

Kadkhodaee noted that ahead of the first round of Islamabad talks, the Iranian delegation postponed their flight several times because “they were expecting the Americans to actually follow through [on] some of the promises.” 
The professor said she expects Iran to be “much more pessimistic” this time.

The US wants Iran to forego its right to nuclear enrichment, which is an insult to any nation’s sovereignty, “especially when you are a member of the NPT, especially when you have declared  that you do not seek a military nuclear program,” Kadkhodaee said.

India has expanded the pool of Russian shipping insurers eligible to provide cover to vessels docking at its ports.

New Delhi has also extended permits to various other insurance companies as it seeks to provide cover for ships amid an increase in shipping traffic at its ports due to the Middle East conflict.

Nearly 100 ships are either waiting or seeking berthing at the port of Vizhinjam in Kerala alone, Shashi Tharoor, a lawmaker from the southern state, posted on X.

The Directorate General of Shipping said the number of Russian insurers eligible to provide cover to vessels has increased to 11 from eight, according to Reuters.

India Bolsters Russian Marine Insurance Options Amid Hormuz Disruptions

🇮🇳’s Directorate General of Shipping has approved a further three Russian marine insurers at Indian ports – bringing the total to eleven. (Economic Times)

Gazprom Insurance and Rosgosstrakh Insurance are… pic.twitter.com/cKNhZxgy52

— RT_India (@RT_India_news) April 20, 2026

Gazprom Insurance Ltd., Rosgosstrakh Insurance Co., and Balance Insurance JSC were added to the directorate’s list, Bloomberg reported. Gazprom and Rosgosstrakh have approvals until February 19, 2027, while Balance’s term ends on August 19 of next year. Rosgosstrakh is under US sanctions.

Approvals for Soglasie Insurance Co. Ltd., Ugoria Group of Insurance Cos., Sberbank Insurance, and ASTK Insurance LLC will remain valid through February 20, 2027, India’s shipping agency said.

Dubai-based Islamic Protection & Indemnity Club has also been allowed to provide marine cover until February 19, 2027, it added.

The Russian entities are not a part of the International Group of ⁠Protection and Indemnity (P&I) clubs.

Members of the Europe-based International Group of P&I Clubs provide marine liability cover for about 87% of the world’s ocean-going tonnage, but do not cover Russian vessels due to sanctions.

P&I clubs are mutual insurance associations that provide liability cover for shipowners, including risks such as oil spills, cargo damage, and crew injury.

The Russian firms mostly provide cover to vessels loaded with Russian oil as Western service ‌providers skip Russian cargoes due to tougher sanctions, Reuters reported.

Insurance is vital for maritime transport, particularly energy cargoes, due to the risk of spills.

India is ‌the world’s third-biggest oil importer and consumer. New Delhi is relying on Russian oil to meet most of its ⁠demand as the US-Israeli war on Iran has effectively shut the Strait of Hormuz.

On Sunday, the US extended a waiver allowing foreign buyers to take Russian crude loaded on tankers by about one month to mid-May.

China has increased its direct flights to India amid warming ties between the Asian nations.

On Tuesday, Air China will resume its direct service between Beijing and Delhi, the Global Times reported.

The Beijing-Delhi direct flight is the second route to India resumed by Chinese airlines in less than a week.

China Eastern Airlines relaunched its direct service between Kunming in southwest China’s Yunnan Province and the eastern Indian city of Kolkata on April 18.

An Airbus A330 aircraft will run the Beijing-Delhi flight, with the service available on Tuesdays, Fridays, and Sundays.

Cleared For Take Off: China-India Air Links Roaring Back To Life

Direct connectivity between China and India is picking up pace, with Air China resuming Beijing-Delhi flights three times a week, according to Global Times.

China Eastern Airlines recently restarted… pic.twitter.com/bZf1OzHuj1

— RT_India (@RT_India_news) April 20, 2026

Fares start from $523, with flights departing the Chinese capital at 3:15 PM and arriving in Delhi at 8:20 PM local time.

China Eastern’s Kolkata flight was the carrier’s latest expansion of its service between China and India, following the resumption of the Shanghai-Delhi route in November 2025.

The Kolkata service has six weekly round-trip flights.

Indian airlines have also started similar services, with the South Asian nation’s largest carrier, Indigo, launching daily direct flights between Kolkata and Shanghai on March 29.

Before that, IndiGo resumed the Kolkata-Guangzhou route and launched the Delhi-Guangzhou route.

Direct flights between China and India officially resumed in October 2025 after a five-year hiatus as ties between the two nations improved. They were suspended at the onset of the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020. A border clash in June of that year further strained relations.

The Asian neighbors have also eased visa restrictions for each other’s citizens over the last year.

In March, India relaxed restrictions on Chinese investments in selected sectors, marking a reset of economic ties, Reuters reported. The countries have also agreed to improve border management and reopen cross-border trade.

Trade between China and India reached a record $155 billion in 2025.

The US is pushing for a “win-win” trade deal with India, Washington’s ambassador to New Delhi, Sergio Gor, has said.

An Indian delegation will arrive in Washington to finalize a trade deal this week, Gor said on Monday.

The talks between Washington and New Delhi will be a “great step” to finalize a pact, Gor said in a post on X.

“A win-win for both nations,” Gor added.

The Indian trade delegation will be arriving in Washington this week. A great step to finalize our bilateral trade deal. A win-win for both nations!

— Ambassador Sergio Gor (@USAmbIndia) April 20, 2026

India and the US are in advanced talks to convert a February 26 joint statement into a bilateral trade deal, Commerce Secretary Rajesh Agrawal said earlier this month.

In-person meetings would be held to shape the agreement’s structure and timelines, he said.

India’s trade surplus with the US narrowed to $34.4 billion in fiscal year 2026 from $43 billion a year ago. Exports to the US rose 1% to $87 billion, while imports jumped 16% to $53 billion.
In April, China said it became India’s largest trading partner in the 2025-26 financial year, overtaking the US. Washington was New Delhi’s largest trading partner for four years in a row until 2024-25.

In February, Washington reduced India’s tariff burden to 18% from the earlier 50%. Half of the tariff was for New Delhi’s imports of Russian oil.

Talks with the US then came to a halt after the US Supreme Court struck down tariffs on imports from various countries.

The US will not allow India to emerge as a strong competitor like China, Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau said in March.

Washington views the 2001 decision to facilitate China’s entry into the World Trade Organization as a strategic miscalculation, Landau added.

India has recently signed trade deals with the UK, Oman, New Zealand, and the EU, as it looks to diversify export markets and reduce reliance on the US.

India and South Korea have set a target to nearly double bilateral trade to $50 billion by 2030.

South Korean President Lee Jae Myung and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi pledged to boost trade between their countries from about $27 billion now, after a meeting in New Delhi on Monday.

The leaders vowed to strengthen supply chains, improve market access, and encourage greater investment.

”Following President Lee’s visit, we are going to transform our trusted collaboration into a futuristic partnership,” Modi said.

The Indian prime minister said the countries will tap into new opportunities for cooperation “from chips to ships, talent to technology, entertainment to energy.”

Addressing the joint press meet with President Lee Jae Myung of the Republic of Korea.@Jaemyung_Lee https://t.co/NpU97z4dzB

— Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) April 20, 2026

Lee said Seoul and New Delhi have agreed to upgrade economic cooperation by focusing on sectors including shipbuilding, defense, and artificial intelligence.

The Asian nations will try to expand industrial collaboration and boost trade and investment in advanced manufacturing, critical minerals, and nuclear energy, the South Korean leader said.

Seoul aims to increase the import of naphtha, a crude-oil derivative, from New Delhi to offset potential disruptions related to the Middle East conflict. India accounted for about 8% of South Korea’s naphtha imports in 2025.

The countries also signed memoranda of understanding in various sectors, including ports, technology, steel supply chain, small and medium-sized enterprises, and maritime heritage.

New Delhi has expressed its concern to the Iranian envoy over the firing on two India-bound vessels in the Strait of Hormuz.

Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri met Tehran’s envoy to New Delhi, Mohammad Fathali, on Saturday, and conveyed India’s “deep concern” after the incident in which ships carrying energy cargoes were reportedly prevented from transiting the Strait by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC).

This is the first time that India-bound energy carriers have been prevented from transiting the Strait during the ceasefire announced on April 8.

On April 17, Iranian Foreign Minister Seyed Abbas Araghchi declared that passage for all commercial vessels is completely open. 

“The Foreign Secretary conveyed India’s deep concern at the shooting incident earlier today involving two Indian-flagged ships in the Strait of Hormuz,” the Indian Foreign Ministry said on Saturday.

Misri said that Iran had earlier facilitated the safe passage of several ships and added that he “urged the ambassador to convey India’s views to the authorities in Iran and resume at the earliest the process of facilitating India-bound ships across the Strait.”

The Foreign Ministry said the Iranian ambassador was “called in” and not “summoned” as some reports indicated.

Misri was India’s representative in an international virtual meeting organized by the United Kingdom and France on April 17, in which 44 countries discussed the need for maintaining open navigation in the Strait of Hormuz.

US President Donald Trump had also said that “Iran has agreed to never close the Strait of Hormuz again. 

Reports said soon after Araghchi’s announcement the IRGC reportedly said the strait had reverted to “strict control” due to the US Navy’s blockade of Iranian ships.

The Strait of Hormuz has emerged as a critical energy chokepoint since tensions escalated after the US-Israel attacks on Iran began on February 28. 

India imports 85% of its oil and nearly half of its natural gas. Around half of its crude oil and LNG shipments are normally routed through the Strait of Hormuz.

India and Sri Lanka have held talks on setting up an oil pipeline connecting the two South Asian nations.

Indian Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri said the discussions on Sunday between Vice President C. P. Radhakrishnan and Sri Lankan President Anura Kumara Dissanayake also touched on bilateral ties, housing projects, and issues concerning the fishing industry of the two countries.

“Some initiatives that are underway from the Indian side and some proposals that have already been discussed between the two countries, notable amongst them, the project related to the energy hub in Trincomalee and the proposal to link India and Sri Lanka through an oil pipeline,” Misri said on Sunday.

Discussions on the oil pipeline project, which also involves the United Arab Emirates, have been ongoing since 2023, Misri added.

Sri Lanka, India, and the UAE signed a pact in April 2025 to set up an oil pipeline connecting the two South Asian neighbors and to establish the Trincomalee oil storage complex. The pact provides for the development of an energy hub by India and the UAE.

Misri pointed out the importance of the discussions at a time when the world “is facing the fallout of an energy crisis.”

Radhakrishnan’s two-day visit is the first ever by an Indian vice president to Sri Lanka.   

Dissanayake highlighted India’s first-responder role during Sri Lanka’s economic crisis in 2022 and, more recently, after Cyclone Ditwah last year.

Radhakrishnan discussed the ongoing implementation of Indian projects in Sri Lanka with an emphasis on the $450 million Cyclone Ditwah aid offered by New Delhi.

During the India-Sri Lanka talks, the digital ID project and the Economic and Technology Cooperation Agreement (ETCA) were also discussed, Misri said.

Various memoranda of understanding are also slated to be exchanged during Radhakrishnan’s visit, the Sri Lankan Foreign Ministry said in a statement.

Indian refiners are making payments for Iranian oil in yuan, after a temporary sanctions-waiver by the US enabled New Delhi to buy crude from the Middle Eastern country, Reuters reported.

The US issued the one-month waiver on March 20, which Washington says will not be extended.

Payment for the Iranian cargoes is a complicated issue due to the US sanctions on Tehran, deterring some prospective buyers of crude from the country.

Indian Oil Corp bought 2 million barrels of Iranian oil in ‌April, the country’s first purchase of Iranian crude in seven years, reportedly worth $200 million.

New Delhi has also allowed four vessels carrying Iranian oil to berth for its largest private refiner, Reliance ⁠Industries.

Both trades are being settled through ICICI Bank, a private bank, which is routing funds in Chinese yuan via its Shanghai branch, the news outlet reported.

Indian refiners have previously used yuan to settle some Russian oil purchases.

The yuan’s emergence as a global currency would be essential for Beijing to turn into a true “financial powerhouse,” President Xi Jinping has said, amid concerns about the dollar’s status as the world’s reserve currency.

Iranian crude accounted for 11.5% of India’s total imports before it ceased purchases in 2019 after the tightening of US sanctions.

New Delhi is the world’s third-largest importer and consumer of oil and procures 90% of its requirements from abroad.

Russia has sent an important message to the world by sending a ship with oil to Cuba last month as the US blockades the island, Havana’s envoy to New Delhi has said.

Moscow shipped 100,000 tons of oil required for Cuba’s normal functioning after the US imposed restrictions, Juan Carlos Marsan Aguilera told RT India in an exclusive interview on Thursday.

“After three months without oil, a Russian ship arrived in Cuba,” he said in the latest episode of India, Russia, and the World. “It was more than that, a message [to the world] that Russia would support Cuba at a critical moment.”

Russia was sending a broader message by backing Cuba “because the US was threatening any country supplying oil with tariffs or [an] attack on ships,” the ambassador said.

READFULLTEXT

Moscow proved that it is “possible not to follow rules imposed by the US,” Aguilera noted. “[The] day after [the] ship arrived, [US President Donald] Trump said I am not opposed to any country that would like to supply oil to Cuba,” he said, adding, “that was not true as the possibility of sanctions was always on the table.”

Russia, China, and India are important partners of Cuba, the envoy stated, citing Moscow’s huge presence in the energy and transportation sectors and China’s assistance to the nation’s energy transition.

“India and Cuba have a longstanding history. We are celebrating 66 years of bilateral ties,” Aguilera said.

Cuba supports India’s bid for a permanent UN Security Council seat because in Aguilera’s words, “The Global South needs a relevant position.”

The US blockade of Cuba is an economic war on the island nation, the Cuban ambassador said. Washington’s concept of peace means countries submitting to its interests, which is unacceptable, he said. “Cuba is an obstacle to US dominance,” Aguilera added.

“With this blockade, it is difficult to sustain the healthcare system because you don’t have electricity,” he said, pointing to the huge impact on all vital sectors, including food production. “So this has a massive impact on the entire economy.”

The first Trump administration imposed a raft of measures to strangle the Cuban economy, Aguilera said, adding that the present one had gone even further.

On Trump’s January 29 executive order declaring Cuba “as an extraordinary threat to the US,” Aguilera wondered how a nation of 10 million people could pose a threat to a much larger country.

In the remote forests of Bastar, a district in central India’s state of Chhattisgarh, the air no longer carries the acrid scent of gunpowder. Instead, the sweet, heady fragrance of Mahua flowers drifts through villages once trapped in the grip of left-wing extremism.

Bastar is famous not only for its forests and diverse tribal groups, but for the Maoist insurgency, functioning for decades as the epicenter of their conflict against Indian security forces. Bastar has been considered a prominent stronghold of the People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army (PLGA), an armed wing of the Communist Party of India (Maoist), a banned political organization in India, since early 2000s. Inspired by Chinese communist leader Mao Zedong, the rebels advocate for class struggle and agrarian revolution through armed resistance.

What was long touted as the Maoists’ ‘Red Corridor’ – a vast stretch of ‘liberated zones’ from southern India toward Nepal – has now been dismantled. Sustained operations by India’s security forces, particularly since 2024, have significantly weakened the presence of Maoists, also known in the region as ‘Naxalites’ or ‘Naxals’ after the 1967 uprising in Naxalbari village in West Bengal state.  

After more than four decades of insurgency, roads, electricity, schools, and governance are steadily reclaiming territory that the state had lost to armed rebels.

Speaking in parliament on March 30, Indian Home Minister Amit Shah said that the left-wing extremists and their supporters had presented a false narrative before innocent tribal people that they were fighting for their rights and to deliver justice to them. He said that Naxalism has now been “almost completely eradicated from Bastar,” and a campaign has begun to build schools and open ration shops in every village there, calling it one of the key achievements of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government. 

Peace returns

In Puwarti village, birthplace of the notorious Maoist commander Madvi Hidma linked to the deaths of hundreds of security personnel and civilians – a security forces camp now stands where arms training for his battalion once took place. Children play near a newly built Anganwadi child-care center.

Hidma’s deputy, Barse Deva, surrendered in early 2026, and his battalion has largely disintegrated through encounters, surrenders, and dispersal. Similar change is visible in Gougunda, a former Maoist bastion perched on a 660-meter-high cliff surrounded by dense forest. For the first time in living memory, electricity has reached the village. Residents who once lived by the sun’s rhythm now stay up late studying, working, or socializing.

Gangi Muchaki, who opened Gougunda’s first grocery shop with government help, beams under the glow of a solitary LED bulb: “This feels surreal! I still cannot believe that we have electricity, a motorable road and a ‘kirana’ (grocery) shop in our village. The night of red terror is over; this is a new dawn.”

End of Isolation

Maoists had deliberately banned constructing roads or installing electricity poles, as well as telecom towers, to maintain control of these areas through isolation. Today, the Border Roads Organization, an agency under the Ministry of Defence of India developing and maintaining road networks in India’s border regions and remote areas, is cutting all-weather roads through the forests. These road link remote districts in Chhattisgarh toward the southern city of Hyderabad. Arterial roads closed for 15-30 years due to frequent ambushes have now reopened.

Displaced villagers are returning home. In Baleveda village, falling under Narayanpur district, a Border Security Force (BSF) camp now occupies the site where Maoists once held their so-called kangaroo courts and carried out executions.

Ramulal Wadde, a Madia tribesman who lived in exile for 20 years in a slum, has returned as the new sarpanch, an elected head of a village-level self-government, along with about 20 other families. They are now rebuilding homes that fell into disrepair during their absence.

Wadde recalls the terror of those years: “This area is the place where they executed so many innocent villagers, including my relatives, for simply defying their diktats, like giving away one child to Naxal’s Bal Sena or simply daring to go out of the village to the town to see a doctor or study in a state-run residential school.”

His own family suffered losses on both sides of the conflict – one son, who was forced to join the rebels, was eventually killed by security forces, while another was killed by Maoists after he was branded a police informer.

Wadde himself fled after he was labelled an informer. As sarpanch, one of his first acts was symbolic: “The first thing I did as the village head was to raze the Shaheed Minar (a tower to honor the fallen Maoists) to dust. You see the hand pump there. I deliberately paved its platform with the debris of their pillar of pride to trample upon their legacy every day and forever.”

Since 2000, violence between insurgents and security forces has claimed nearly 12,000 lives, including over 4,000 civilians, according to the South Asian Terrorism Portal.

Similar scenes of return and reconstruction are unfolding in villages like Khader, where new brick homes funded by the prime minister’s housing scheme are rising amid the jungle. Despite brutal Maoist reprisals – including public beheadings of suspected “informers” witnessed by families – residents are coming back in growing numbers.

Education Replaces Indoctrination

Maoists destroyed or closed hundreds of schools and killed over 20 teachers since 2020 while running indoctrination centers in thatched huts. The state is now reversing the damage. In Bastar’s interior areas, 263 schools have reopened or been newly established, enrolling over 9,000 children, with nearly 100 new buildings under construction.

District officials, including Narayanpur’s district magistrate Smita Jain, conduct ‘Sushasan Shivir’ (Good Governance Camps) on motorcycles without fear, turning them into festive occasions where villagers obtain documents recognized pan-India, including Aadhaar cards (a 12-digit individual identification number issued to Indian residents), ration cards, and other essential documents.

Security forces have cleared jungle paths not only for operations but also to deliver governance directly to remote communities.

Veteran journalist Animesh Paul, who has covered the insurgency for nearly two decades, observes the dramatic shift. “Travelling in a police vehicle today is routine; just months ago, it would have been considered suicidal,” he opines.

Eliminating Leadership, Rehabilitating Cadres

In May 2025, Nambala Keshava Rao, alias Basavaraju, the general-secretary of the banned CPI (Maoist), was neutralized in a 50-hour encounter in the Abujhmarh hills. Young local recruits like Manish Usendi – whose brother was killed by Maoists for wanting to join the police – played roles in such operations. The collapse of Naxalites accelerated with a chain of high-profile operations executed by security forces. The elimination of top leaders, including Hidma, shattered command structures and triggered mass surrenders.

Over 2,700 Maoists have surrendered in the Bastar region in recent years as part of a larger nationwide trend. Senior officers credit sustained pressure on leadership, financial networks (extortion from contractors and forest produce traders), and infrastructure expansion for reducing the group’s capacity for major attacks.

Chhattisgarh’s Deputy Chief Minister Vijay Sharma, who also holds the Home portfolio, sums up the current phase: “The operation has been successful. But you don’t relieve yourself immediately after the operation. It is time for healing the state. Also, the Naxals are gone, but they’ve left behind landmine-riddled roads, jungles and ponds. The forces are clearing them out to make the jungles safe for everyone.”

Mangtu, who joined as a child soldier at age 14, confides, “I was so smitten by the uniforms and weapons of the Naxals that I accompanied them, almost hypnotized.” Aspiring to become a taxi driver, he adds, “I am training to be a taxi driver; some are getting training to eke out a living as plumbers. I am done with this goalless and endless revolution. I am tired of running and hiding. I want to live a normal life now and start a family.”

Many surrendered rebels revealed the Maoists’ brutal practice of forced sterilization – vasectomies and tubectomies performed without anesthesia on hundreds of young cadres – to sever family bonds and turn them into detached “human weapons.” They are now seeking a reversal procedure.

The dream of a contiguous ‘Red Corridor’ exploiting tribal grievances, poverty, and weak state presence has now collapsed into isolated pockets. Historically, the Naxalite leadership was often from Telugu-speaking regions in the country’s South, as the movement drew from post-Independence agrarian unrest, including the Telangana Struggle of 1946-51. The foot soldiers were local ‘adivasis’, or tribal people, while funding came mainly from local “levies” rather than large-scale foreign support.

After eliminating insurgency, authorities are now replacing parallel local governance structures and Kangaroo courts with transparent governance. Hundreds of security camps that have been established in the villages will further  transition into schools, health centers, or community facilities once the area is fully stabilized. Central forces continue de-mining of areas to ensure physical safety. There are many underlying vulnerabilities – single rain-fed agriculture, dependence on minor forest produce like Mahua flowers and tendu leaves, and lack of irrigation – created fertile ground for insurgency.

The proposed Bodhghat project on the Indravati River, estimated at around $6 billion and intended to generate 125 MW of power and irrigate nearly 700,000 hectares across key districts, could enable multiple crops and reduce the economic fragility that Maoists once exploited.

The grand Maoist vision of a continuous “Red Corridor” stretching from Tirupati in Andhra Pradesh to Pashupati in Nepal now lies in tatters, reduced to scattered remnants in a handful of remote pockets. What remains is the harder, more enduring task: translating military gains into lasting peace through inclusive development, responsive governance, and economic opportunity.

The US will not renew the sanctions waiver that facilitated purchases of Russian oil by India and other countries, a top Trump administration official has said.

A 30-day waiver of sanctions on Iranian oil at sea will also expire this week.

“We will not be renewing the general license on Russian oil, and we will not be renewing the general license on Iranian oil,” Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent told reporters on Wednesday. “That was oil that was on the water prior to March 11. So all that has been used,” Bessent said at a White House briefing.

Washington’s decision not to renew the sanctions waiver on oil from Russia and Iran comes after many US Senators voiced opposition to any extension.

🇺🇸 Treasury Secretary 'Doesn't Know' How Much Russia Made From Temporary Sanctions Waiver

"If oil had spiked to $150, they would have made a lot more."

Yes, that's usually how it works. https://t.co/aIPsnwwMCL pic.twitter.com/3GARziW38k

— RT_India (@RT_India_news) April 16, 2026

The US granted India a 30-day waiver to purchase oil from Russia early in March to ensure stability in the global oil market.

The US Treasury Department also issued a waiver for Iranian oil on March 20, paving the way for some 140 million barrels of crude to reach global markets amid the Middle East conflict.

India made its first purchases of Iranian oil in seven years after the US waiver in April.

Iranian crude accounted for 11.5% of India’s total imports before it ceased purchases in 2019 after the tightening of US sanctions on Iran, NDTV reported.

New Delhi emerged as a key market for Russian oil after the Ukraine conflict escalated in 2022. It bought almost two million barrels a day in 2024 and nearly $44 billion of crude from Moscow last year.

India is the world’s third-largest importer and consumer of oil. The country gets 90% of its requirements from abroad, and the Middle East accounted for 54% of its oil imports as of February. The Iran conflict and the closure of the Strait of Hormuz have heightened supply concerns in the South Asian nation.

India’s merchandise trade deficit narrowed sharply to $20.67 billion in March, official data has shown. A Reuters poll of economists had projected a deficit of $32.75 billion for the month.

The March figure is also well below the $27.1 billion in merchandise trade deficit recorded in February.

The marginal improvement was spurred by a combination of higher exports and softer imports amid the Middle East crisis.

New Delhi’s merchandise exports rose to $38.92 billion in March from $36.61 billion in February, according to government data.

Imports declined to $59.9 billion from $63.71 billion a month ago.

India’s total exports (merchandise & services) are estimated to reach a new record high of US$ 860.09 Billion in FY 2025–26. Merchandise exports stood at US$ 441.78 Billion, reflecting steady growth. Notably, March 2026 recorded the highest monthly merchandise exports of the year… pic.twitter.com/aGsG2wLqVZ

— Dept of Commerce, GoI (@DoC_GoI) April 15, 2026

The outlook remains challenging as the South Asian nation depends on Gulf shipping routes, exposing it to supply disruptions and cost escalations arising from the geopolitical tensions in the Middle East.

The US said its military had halted maritime trade linked to Iran on Wednesday, though President Donald Trump has claimed he is “permanently opening” the Strait of Hormuz, offering confusing signals on the shape of the conflict.

India’s combined exports of goods and services are estimated to have risen 4.22% year-on-year to around $860 billion in 2025-26, Commerce Secretary Rajesh Agrawal said on Tuesday.

New Delhi’s services exports in the fiscal year were pegged at $418.31 billion, and merchandise exports were estimated at $441.78 billion.

India’s trade surplus with the US narrowed to $34.4 billion in fiscal year 2026 from $43 billion a year ago. Exports to the US rose 1% to $87 billion, while imports from the country jumped 16% to $53 billion.

India and the US are in advanced talks to convert a February 26 joint statement into a bilateral trade deal, Commerce Secretary Rajesh Agrawal said in a post on X.

He added that New Delhi and Washington are finalizing mutual concessions, and meetings are scheduled from April 20 to work toward the structure and timelines of a trade deal.

China became India’s largest trading partner in the 2025-26 financial year, overtaking the US, Beijing’s embassy in New Delhi said earlier this month.

Washington was New Delhi’s largest trading partner for four years in a row until 2024-25.

India’s crude oil imports from Russia surged in March, data from a European think tank showed.

New Delhi’s crude oil purchases from Moscow more than tripled in March to $5.8 billion from $1.54 billion in February, the Center for Research on Energy and Clean Air (CREA) said on Tuesday.

The surge came as shipment volumes doubled and a spike in oil prices pushed up India’s import bill.

“India was the second-highest buyer of Russian fossil fuels in March 2026, importing a total of $6.38 billion of Russian hydrocarbons. Crude oil products constituted 91% of India’s purchases, totaling $5.83 billion,” the CREA report said.

India also imported coal worth $371 million and oil products amounting to $196 million in March, according to the report.

The European think tank’s report said India’s total crude imports recorded an overall 4% reduction in March, though Russian imports surged.

The CREA said the spike followed the US granting a one-month sanctions waiver on Russian oil. The waiver covered cargoes already at sea and shipments on previously sanctioned vessels. The US said the move was to ease oil prices that surged after the Middle East conflict erupted.

New Delhi emerged as a key market for Russian oil after the Ukraine conflict escalated in 2022. It bought almost 2 million barrels a day in 2024 and nearly $44 billion of crude from Moscow last year.

India has proposed a major expansion of seats in the Lok Sabha, its lower house of parliament, with a draft bill being shared with lawmakers to amend the constitution.

If the bill is passed, the new Lok Sabha will comprise 850 members, up from 543 now, an increase of 57%. The strength of the house is capped at 550, and an amendment is needed to raise it.

Indian law mandates an adjustment in the allocation of seats, based on the population of its states, after every census is completed.

The current Lok Sabha is based on the 1971 census. India then passed an amendment by which constituency boundaries were frozen until the first census after 2026.

The world’s most populous country’s massive census exercise, which began on April 1, is expected to conclude in 2027.

The government hopes to remove the 2026 clause and enact a delimitation, or the process of fixing the boundaries of electoral constituencies, based on the 2011 census.

“The country’s demographic profile has since undergone substantial changes,” an official statement on the proposed law’s objectives to revisit the freezing of seats said. Another aim of the proposed amendment is to ensure 33% of seats for women.

New Delhi says the latest census and delimitation exercise will “take considerable time and thus, delay the effective and dedicated participation of women in our democratic polity.”

The move has been criticized by opposition parties, which argue that the exercise should be based on the updated 2021 census exercise, which was not published due to the Covid lockdown.

India’s constitution does not specify a fixed schedule for conducting the census.

India’s southern states have expressed concern that a slower population growth rate in the region would offer an undue advantage to the north by adding more seats to populous states.

The chief minister of the southern state of Tamil Nadu, M.K. Stalin, has warned of a massive protest if the delimitation proposal affects southern states.

Wage hike protests by factory workers in a town bordering New Delhi turned violent on Monday, forcing police to use force to disperse the angry mob.

The demonstrations in Noida in the northern Indian state of Uttar Pradesh are against rising living costs amid the US-Israeli war with Iran. Workers are also demanding a wage hike following the implementation of a 35% raise for workers in a neighboring state, reports said.

Noida is a large township housing ⁠thousands of industrial units.

Sporadic protests began after news of the recent decision by the government of neighboring Haryana state to increase wages, Moneycontrol reported.

The trigger for the outbreak of violence was a rumor that a similar demand by workers in Nodia for a wage hike had been rejected by the authorities, the report said.

An angry mob then torched vehicles and pelted stones in many areas of the city, forcing the police to use force to disperse them.

Television footage showed protesters marching and chanting slogans as anti-riot personnel watched.

Reports said over 150 vehicles were damaged and more than 50 set ablaze as officers were pelted with stones. At least 30 people were reportedly injured.

Local police said more than 300 people have been arrested, adding that many were not industrial workers. Around 50 social media accounts are being investigated for spreading misinformation.

Losses to industrial units have been pegged at $321 million. Some reports also cited political interference as a probable reason behind the protests, but also noted that economic grievances and wage disparities could have triggered discontent. 

Assembly elections are slated to be held in Uttar Pradesh early next year. The state government has increased minimum wages by up to $32 after a meeting with workers’ representatives.

Separate protests by domestic household workers were also reported in Noida on Tuesday.

India is looking for a tanker to load a cooking gas consignment from Russia amid the supply disruptions caused by the Middle East crisis, Reuters has reported.

State-backed Hindustan Petroleum Corp (HPCL) has issued a rare tender seeking a liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) tanker, the news agency reported on Monday.

The vessel is needed to immediately load propane and butane from Ust-Luga port in Russia, according to the report.

The HPCL tender seen by Reuters said the vessel is to be loaded with 12,000 metric tons of butane and 8,000 tons of propane, to be unloaded on India’s west coast. It must not be under sanctions and must have ⁠no links ‌to Iran, according to the document.

New Delhi’s move comes amid a severe shortage of cooking gas supplies due to the disruption caused by the US-Israeli war with Iran.

Indian refiners are looking for any sources of LPG, used as cooking gas, including from Russia. The South Asian nation is facing its worst supply disruption in decades.

Officials have ⁠said LPG purchases are being sought from several countries, including Russia, the US, Norway, and Canada. New Delhi’s LPG consumption in 2025 stood at  33.15 million tons, while domestic production was 12.79 million tons. 

India imports about 60% of its LPG requirements, and nearly 90% of its imports have been from the Middle East. 

The country moved swiftly to prioritize household consumption after the Iran conflict began, and invoked emergency measures to maximize refinery LPG output.

New Delhi is aiming to obtain more energy from Russia through longer‑range corridors, such as the Northern Sea Route and the proposed Chennai-Vladivostok maritime corridor, as they offer route diversity in the event Middle East sources are cut off.

A breach of trust by the US led to the collapse of the Islamabad talks to end the Middle East conflict, a top Iranian diplomat has told RT India.

Washington changed its approach and attempted to dictate its terms, saying that Iran has no right to uranium enrichment, Tehran’s consul general in Mumbai, Saeid Reza Mosayeb Motlagh, said in an interview on Tuesday.

Iran’s initial ten-point proposal, which the US had accepted as the basis of talks, included its peaceful nuclear rights, but Washington tried to impose its own terms, Motlagh said.

“If the intention was for the US to dictate and Iran to comply, then what was the point of all these wars and the surrounding hardships?” the diplomat asked.

This has led to “a deep mistrust by the Islamic Republic of Iran toward the United States,” he said, adding that Tehran “remains ready to negotiate… provided the discussions are realistic.”

Motlagh said Iran has repeatedly stated that it does not seek to acquire nuclear weapons, and the US should take this into account.

“They have carried out the most stringent inspections of our nuclear facilities. Technical reports by inspectors show that Iran’s nuclear program has never deviated toward military purposes,” he said.

When asked whether a blockade of the Strait of Hormuz by the US would lead to a wider regional war, he said, “This depends on the decision of the US to act upon the directives and personal views of [Donald] Trump.”

Motlagh said Iran has taken steps to ensure that Indian energy supplies are not disrupted.

“Iranian forces… opened a passage for these vessels [India-bound]. Even now, they permit the passage of ships carrying energy and goods for the people of India.”

“As conditions become more complex, it may not always be possible. Naturally, no guarantees can be provided [to India],” he said.

Indian tankers that have transited through the Strait of Hormuz did not pay ‌a toll, Tehran’s ambassador to New Delhi, Mohammad Fathali, said on Monday.

Iran has said it will levy tolls on ships from “hostile” countries crossing the Strait of Hormuz as compensation for damage caused by sanctions and US-Israeli strikes.

Asked if Iran would welcome India stepping in diplomatically, Motlagh said, “We welcome the participation of any country that can make a constructive contribution to this process.”

On India’s Chabahar Port investment in Iran, he said, “The matter can proceed in accordance with existing agreements.”

He urged China and Russia not to withhold any effort toward achieving genuine global peace while taking into account the legitimate rights of all nations.

“We call upon the international community to prevent the unilateral and aimless actions of Mr. Trump, actions driven by personal ambitions and pressures from the Zionist regime,” Motlagh said.

India and Uzbekistan have kicked off the seventh edition of their annual joint military exercises. Launched in 2019, the exercise is held alternately in India and Uzbekistan each year.

This year’s drills, titled ‘Dustlik 2026’, started on Sunday at the Gurumsaray Field Training Area in Namangan, Uzbekistan.

The focus of the exercises is to enhance preparedness for the planning and execution of joint special operations and counter-terrorism coordination against unlawful armed groups, the Indian Army said in a statement.

The Indian contingent comprises 60 personnel, including 45 from a battalion of the Mahar Regiment, and 15 from the Indian Air Force (IAF).

The Uzbek contingent is also drawn from its army and air force personnel.

‘Dustlik 2026’: 🇮🇳🤝🇺🇿 India-Uzbekistan Joint Military Drills Set For Namangan, Uzbekistan

Scheduled from April 12 to 25 at the Gurumsaray Field Training Area, the 7th edition will focus on joint special operations and counter-terror coordination against unlawful armed groups.… pic.twitter.com/l19VytbMga

— RT_India (@RT_India_news) April 12, 2026

The Indian personnel are also expected to familiarize themselves with the operational procedures and drills of the Uzbekistan Armed Forces.

A 48-hour validation phase to test joint tactical drills is also on the agenda.

The previous edition of the annual joint military exercises was held in April 2025 at the Foreign Training Node in Pune.

India, which has a wide-ranging cooperation with Uzbekistan, established a joint working group on defense with the Central Asian nation in 2019.

India has described the Israeli bombardment of Lebanon after the announcement of the ceasefire in the Middle East as “disturbing.” 

On Wednesday, Israel’s attacks on Beirut claimed more than 300 lives, as the Jewish state refused to halt its offensive in Lebanon despite a truce being called in the Middle East. 

“We are deeply concerned by reports of a large number of civilian casualties in Lebanon,” Indian Foreign Ministry spokesman Randhir Jaiswal said on Friday. “As a troop contributing country to the UNIFIL (United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon) that is invested in Lebanon’s peace and security, the direction of events is very disturbing.” 

❗️India Voices Deep Concern Over Civilian Casualties in Lebanon

‘As a troop-contributing country to UNIFIL that is invested in Lebanon’s peace and security, the direction of events is very disturbing,’ MEA spox Randhir Jaiswal said pic.twitter.com/XBkvBrGa7v

— RT_India (@RT_India_news) April 10, 2026

New Delhi has always emphasized the protection of civilians as the foremost priority, he said.   

Observing international law and respecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of states is essential, Jaiswal added. 

Israel stepped up air strikes across Lebanon, pounding central Beirut, just hours after the US and Iran announced a two-week ceasefire.

The escalation comes in an apparent violation of the truce, which mediators said was meant to include Lebanon, despite Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s insistance that it does not apply.

India has not condemned the US and Israel for their strikes on civilian targets or the assassination of top Iranian leaders. New Delhi has instead chosen to express concern and offer condolences.    
The South Asian nation, which has strong ties with the US, Israel, and Iran has also ruled out the possibility of mediating in the conflict, but has encouraged dialogue between the warring parties.

During nearly six weeks of the war on Iran, the US has suffered heavy military aircraft losses, now exceeding those recorded during the 2003 invasion of Iraq. Iran’s recent downing of an American F-35 jet marks the first time in 23 years that a US fighter jet has been shot down in combat; the previous instance was in Iraq in 2003, when an A‑10 was lost. 

Over the seven years of the Iraq campaign from 2003 to 2009, total US aviation losses amounted to 129 helicopters and 24 fixed‑wing aircraft, with only 46 attributed to hostile fire. The remaining cases were due to malfunctions, fuel exhaustion, and pilot error.

Since the start of the Iran war, the US has lost at least 44 aircraft, including the first incident of the US fifth-generation stealth F-35 Lightning II being hit. The list includes four F-15E Strike Eagle (the Wall Street Journal cited a fact sheet stating that the original model costs at least $31 million, while the cost of newer models is close to $100 million), two A-10 Thunderbolt IIs, two Lockheed C-130 Hercules, two Boeing E-3 Sentries, eight Boeing KC-135 Stratotankers, one Boeing CH-47 Chinook, one Sikorsky HH-60 Pave Hawk (damaged), two Sikorsky UH-60 Black Hawks (damaged), four MH-6 Little Bird helicopters, and 17 General Atomics MQ-9 Reapers (at about $30 million each, totalling close to $500 million).

High-value AWACS and multiple KC-135 tankers were damaged by Iranian strikes on regional airbases.  In the first four days of the war, Iran hit almost all US military bases (or locations hosting US aircraft) in the Gulf. It struck key US ground radars linked to the THAAD air‑defense system, other early‑warning radars, and multiple radar and communication nodes.

In the UAE, an area of Al Dhafra base with several satellite antennas was hit, while it is still unclear whether the AN/TPY‑2 radar of the THAAD system at Al Ruwais was damaged. In Kuwait, structures at Ali Al Salem base connected to SATCOM systems were damaged, and at least three radar domes at Camp Arifjan were destroyed.

At Saudi Arabia’s Prince Sultan base, at least one strike hit a satellite‑communications area where an AN/TPY‑2 radar had previously been deployed. The large AN/FPS‑132 fixed‑face AESA early‑warning and long‑range anti‑ballistic radar at Al Udeid in Qatar also appears to have been struck. Iranian sources further claim damage to another AN/TPY‑2 at Muwaffaq Salti base in Jordan, though this remains unconfirmed. In Kuwait, in addition to damage to some structures at the Ali al Salem base that appear to be connected to SATCOM systems, at least three radar domes at Camp Arifjan were destroyed.

Most of these high‑value radars – along with aerial refuellers and AEW&C assets – were targeted using ballistic missiles or relatively inexpensive Shahed drones (costing between $20,000 and $50,000 each).

While US lost many high-value ground assets in the region and nearly 44 aircraft, Israel had minimal losses on the ground and only slow-moving UAVs in the air. Israel is a regional player, and has had years of experience in targeting ground assets in Iraq, Iran, Syria, and Lebanon, among others. Israel has been perpetually at war. Being a small country, it has been conscious of securing its assets under hardened shelters. It has nearly ten Iron Dome-class AD systems, among others, such as David’s Sling and Arrow. The Israeli Air Force has fine-tuned tactics to keep its own assets secure.

The reasons behind US losses

The Iranian Air Force was grounded or destroyed in the early air action by the US and Israel, which have flown more than 10,000 combat flights since the conflict began. The Iranian Air Force was no match for the US Air Force in terms of numbers and technology. While a significant number of Iranian air defenses were also neutralized, enough survived to engage adversary assets.

The fact that F-35 stealth fighter jet could be tracked and engaged indicates the possibility of Iran having used Chinese YLC-8B and YLC-8E advanced, mobile Chinese UHF-band 3D surveillance radars specifically designed to detect low-observable, stealth aircraft. Iran might have also used up-to-date intelligence from Russian satellites, often including the position of airborne aircraft.

The US lost more aircraft in the air due to a lack of coordination with the Gulf countries, where most of its assets are located. Also, more action has shifted south near the Strait of Hormuz, and when Iran started hitting assets in the countries that allowed housing US assets. Many of their radars and large air platforms were lying in the open. These assets were thus a relatively easy target. Iranians used drones and drone swarms to hit US military assets.

While the US Air Force and Navy have been exercising regularly with Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries, including “large force engagements,” the GCC nations have had almost no combat experience. Early coordination challenges with Gulf host nations, contributed to incidents like the initial friendly-fire loss of three F-15Es over Kuwait.

While the US campaign initially succeeded in degrading Iranian air defenses and leadership, it encountered serious operational and strategic failures as the conflict continued. The US underestimated Iranian defenses and tactics. Reports indicate that Tehran could have 50% of its missile launchers and drones intact.

Iran successfully targeted US military installations across the region, including in Bahrain, Qatar, Kuwait, and Iraq, causing significant casualties. This demonstrated that US air dominance did not equate to security on the ground. Tehran relies heavily on inexpensive, locally produced drones like the Shahed, costing $20,000–$50,000, to overwhelm sophisticated, expensive air defenses as part of asymmetric warfare. Iran is fostering closer military ties with Russia, supplying drones in exchange for advanced technologies such as the S-400 system.

The US repeated mistakes from previous conflicts (Afghanistan, Iraq) by relying solely on aerial destruction without a viable, clear “day-after” political strategy to replace the targeted regime. Despite neutralizing senior leadership, the “rally-around-the-flag” effect became visible.

The conflict has already exhausted US military resources significantly, including high-value assets like Tomahawk missiles and Patriot interceptors, creating shortages in other critical theaters such as Europe and Asia. Most NATO members refused to join or help in replenishments. The global economic downturn caused by the war has been of great concern and is likely to have played a role in the ceasefire announced by US President Donald Trump.

Bangladesh has sought more fuel from India to offset a supply shortage triggered by the Middle East conflict.

Foreign Minister Khalilur Rahman, who was in New Delhi on an official visit on Wednesday, met with India’s minister of petroleum and natural Gas, Hardeep Singh Puri, and conveyed Dhaka’s request.

Puri said the request would be considered “readily and favorably,” Bangladesh’s ⁠Foreign Ministry said in a statement.

Dhaka has also sought higher volumes of fertilizer, Reuters reported.

Petroleum & Natural Gas Minister @HardeepSPuri met Bangladesh Foreign Minister Dr Khalilur Rahman.

The meeting focused on enhancing bilateral cooperation in the energy sector, with both sides discussing key areas of collaboration.

Follow the complete story on #PBSHABD. Register… https://t.co/amkMSQFKmf

— PB-SHABD (@PBSHABD) April 8, 2026

Bangladesh relies on imports for about 95% of its energy requirements for its 175 million people. India is expected to supply 180,000 tonnes of diesel to its neighbor each year.

Rahman also met with his Indian counterpart, S.Jaishankar, and Commerce Minister Piyush Goel.

The visit comes as Bangladesh’s new dispensation is seeking to build a fresh chapter in its bilateral relationship with India.

It is the first high-level visit from Bangladesh since Tarique Rahman was sworn in as prime minister in February.

The Bangladeshi side also reiterated its request to extradite former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and former Home Minister Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal, who have been handed the death penalty, to Bangladesh, the PTI news agency reported.

The two sides agreed that Hasina’s stay in India should not be allowed to impede ties between the two countries, according to the report.

Bilateral ties, which became strained after Hasina fled to India following an uprising in 2024, have been on the mend since Rahman assumed power in February.

India has restarted high-level talks with Türkiye after a gap of four years, the Foreign Ministry in New Delhi has said.

The 12th round of India-Türkiye Foreign Office Consultations (FOC) was held in New Delhi on Wednesday, according to an official statement. The event was co-chaired by Sibi George, Secretary (West), Ministry of External Affairs, and Berris Ekinci, Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, Türkiye.

The last FOC round was held in June 2022 in Ankara.

“The discussions focused on areas such as trade and investments, tourism, technology and innovation, energy, cooperation in educational and cultural fields, people-to-people ties, and fight against cross-border terrorism,” the Indian Foreign Ministry said.

12th round of Türkiye-India Political Consultations were held in New Delhi btw the delegations led by Deputy Min. Amb. Berris Ekinci and Amb. Sibi George, Secretary (West) of the MEA of India.

Bilateral relations, as well as current regional & global developments were discussed. pic.twitter.com/ANKdtjv6ft

— Türkiye in India (@TC_YeniDelhiBE) April 8, 2026

A comprehensive review of bilateral relations was also held, apart from an exchange of views on regional and global issues.

The next FOC round will be held in Türkiye.

Earlier this week, India held talks with Azerbaijan aimed at resetting bilateral ties.

New Delhi’s ties with Türkiye hit a low following Ankara’s backing of Pakistan during a military standoff in South Asia in May 2025.

India did not invite Türkiye to its briefing to foreign envoys on the military confrontation as a mark of protest against Ankara’s support for Islamabad.
Officials had also reportedly flagged concerns about the supply of military equipment by nations including Türkiye and Azerbaijan to Pakistan after the standoff.

Türkiye, along with Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Pakistan, had reportedly played a role in brokering a ceasefire in the US-Iran conflict.

Turkish Ambassador to India Ali Murat Ersoy has said the time was ripe for Ankara and New Delhi to “breathe new life into their diplomatic relations,” The Hindu reported.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi met Türkiye’s President Recep Erdogan in 2023 at the G20 summit in New Delhi, while Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar’s last meeting with his Turkish counterpart took place in February 2024 on the sidelines of an ASEAN summit.

India will not be an ally of the United States against China, former Vice President Hamid Ansari has told RT India.

In the latest episode of In Conversation with Salman Khurshid, Ansari said he did not think it was “realistic” for India to partner with the US to offset Beijing.

The US has always expected India to be “some kind of a distant ally helpful in Asia,” he said, adding, “But we’ve never been able to come to that equation.” 

New Delhi should be realistic in its ties with the US, which seeks certain economic advantages, the former vice president said.

“We have relations with the United States which are under stress. We have [had] relations with the Soviet Union, which have survived from the past,” Ansari said, adding, “we still don’t know where we stand with China.”

New Delhi needs to adopt a new approach in its ties with Beijing, he said, explaining that India “misread” China in the 1950s and 1960s.

Ansari said then Chinese Prime Minister Zhou Enlai visited India in 1959, but nothing much came out of the trip. “Zhou Enlai had come here to seek a solution,” he added. “A solution, which I think subsequently we have willy-nilly hinted at. That misunderstanding led to the India-China war [of 1962].”

Ansari described China as a big, populous, developed country, and said India needed “to think of a new way of coming to terms with Chinese existence.”

The former vice president said NATO membership for Ukraine was a red line for Russia and that “no ruler of Moscow. Mr. Putin or anybody else, can accept the situation.” 

Ansari served as the vice president of India from 2007 to 2017.

China became India’s largest trading partner in the 2025-26 financial year, overtaking the US, Beijing’s embassy in New Delhi has said.

Bilateral trade between India and China reached $137 billion in the period between April 2025 and February 2026, Xu Feihong, Beijing’s ambassador in New Delhi, said in a post.

“Glad to know that China has become India’s largest trading partner in FY2026 – for the 11th straight month,” Xu posted on X.

India’s bilateral trade with the US stood at $127.8 billion in the same period.

Glad to know that China has become India's largest trading partner in FY2026 — for the 11th straight month. 🏆 pic.twitter.com/2jz2mppJAF

— Xu Feihong (@China_Amb_India) April 7, 2026

Washington was New Delhi’s largest trading partner for four years in a row until 2024-25.

In February, Qin Jie, China’s consul general in Mumbai, said bilateral trade between the neighbors would not be affected by external factors.

“Because India is a very big economy and China is also a very large economy. We are countries that both support multilateralism and multilateral trade and multicultural exchange,” PTI quoted Qin as saying.

The US imposed 50% tariffs on India in August 2025, half of them as a punitive measure for New Delhi’s purchases of Russian oil.

In February, India and the US announced an interim trade deal, effectively bringing down tariffs to 18%.

New Delhi’s trade talks with the US came to a halt after the US Supreme Court struck down President Donald Trump’s tariffs on imports from various countries.

India signed a trade pact with the European Union earlier this year, after entering into similar agreements with the UK, Oman, and New Zealand in 2025.

Bangladesh is seeking to build a new chapter in its bilateral relationship with India, a top aide to Bangladeshi Prime Minister Tarique Rahman has said.

Humaiun Kobir, the prime minister’s foreign affairs adviser, said that Dhaka is keen to avoid a repeat of “past mistakes.”

“Our bilateral relations should be focused on people-to-people ties so that it will not be focused on individuals,” Kobir said after a meeting between Prime Minister Tarique Rahman and Indian High Commissioner to Bangladesh Pranay Verma on Monday. “This is what we want and this is also what India desires. We want to ensure this relationship avoids the mistakes of the past.”

The remarks came a day ahead of Foreign Minister Khalilur Rahman’s scheduled visit to New Delhi. Kobir is reportedly accompanying him.

“It’s a new relationship between Bangladesh and India. There is nothing like Hasina’s Awami League in Bangladesh now. Hasina is non-existent,” Kobir added.

Khalilur Rahman’s India trip will be the first high-level visit from Bangladesh since Tarique Rahman was sworn in as prime minister this year.

Last year, Dhaka’s interim government urged New Delhi to “hand over” Hasina, who was ousted in a 2024 coup and fled to India.

The former prime minister was widely seen as being pro-India.

“We have to create a new space for a new relationship, because the Hasina-India relationship will no longer be possible,” Kobir said on Monday.

Khalilur Rahman is slated to meet his Indian counterpart S. Jaishankar as well as National Security Adviser Ajit Doval. The discussions are expected to focus on energy cooperation amid the ongoing war in the Middle East, the sharing of river water, and the normalization of visa services, which were suspended following anti-government protests in Dhaka in 2025.

Bilateral ties, which became strained after Hasina fled to India, have been on the mend since Tarique Rehman assumed power in Bangladesh in February.

India has also agreed to provide diesel to Bangladesh amid a supply shortage.

India has achieved a significant milestone in the development of its civilian nuclear energy program, Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced on Tuesday.

In a post on X, Modi said the indigenously designed and built Prototype Fast Breeder Reactor (PFBR) in Kalpakkam has attained criticality, describing it as a “defining step” and marking advancement to the second stage of the country’s nuclear program. 

The PBFR is expected to generate electricity in the next stage, when it becomes fully operational.

“This will pave the way for utilization of the abundant thorium reserves in the third stage of the nuclear power program, comprising of thorium-based reactors,” Ajit Kumar Mohanty, chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission, said.

India has the world’s largest thorium reserves, and experts have said its thorium program should be fast-tracked with Russian collaboration.

Today, India takes a defining step in its civil nuclear journey, advancing the second stage of its nuclear programme.

The indigenously designed and built Prototype Fast Breeder Reactor at Kalpakkam has attained criticality.

This advanced reactor, capable of producing more fuel…

— Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) April 6, 2026

Russia is currently the only country to have a functional commercial fast breeder reactor.

New Delhi plans to boost nuclear power capacity to 100 gigawatts by 2047, as part of its push towards clean energy.

The country’s current nuclear installed capacity is just 8.18 GW. India is aiming to achieve the net zero emission target by 2070, Mohanty added.

India’s nuclear energy architects believe it can generate 500 GW of electricity for the next four centuries using its economically extractable thorium reserves, according to reports.

New Delhi’s three-stage nuclear power program was envisaged by physicist Homi Bhabha in the 1950s to secure the South Asian nation’s long-term energy independence.

Six Ukrainians and an American who were arrested in March for allegedly training insurgents in Myanmar will be detained another 30 days, according to an Indian court ruling.

The men, who were taken into custody by India’s National Investigation Agency (NIA), were also charged with carrying out subversive activities in the country’s northeast region, which borders Myanmar, Nepal, Bhutan, China, and Bangladesh.

On Monday, a Delhi court ordered that they should continue to be detained after the NIA said the men had illegally entered the Indian state of Mizoram without obtaining a mandatory special permit.

The insurgent groups that were allegedly trained and armed by the Ukrainians and the American are reportedly linked to rebel outfits in India’s northeast region, which has been marred by violence for decades.

❗️ India’s NIA Arrests Six Ukrainians, One American for Alleged ‘Terror Training’ in Myanmar – IANS

The accused have been detained on charges of ‘illegal entry, weapons and drone warfare training, and importing drones from Europe.’ pic.twitter.com/2uofIxbOdC

— RT_India (@RT_India_news) March 17, 2026

The NIA probe also reportedly found evidence to prove that multiple consignments of drones from Europe were delivered by the accused persons to individuals and groups in Mizoram.

The US citizen was detained at the Kolkata airport, a key gateway to the states of Northeast India.

Terrorist cells operating from abroad tap the infrastructure, logistics, and terrain knowledge of local groups, the Indian Home Ministry said in a policy document.

Rating agency Moody’s has slashed India’s GDP projection for the 2026-27 fiscal year to 6% from 6.8%, citing the ongoing war in Iran.

In its latest forecast, the agency said the Middle East conflict will moderate growth momentum and raise inflation risks in the South Asian nation.

The conflict would lead to near-term household shortages, especially of cooking gas, higher fuel, and transport costs, it said on Sunday. The agency added that it saw a spillover impact on food inflation due to New Delhi’s reliance on imported fertilizers.

The Middle East accounts for nearly 55% of crude oil imports and over 90% of liquified petroleum gas (LPG) supplies to India. New Delhi has resumed crude oil purchases from Iran for the first time in seven years, as the Middle East conflict disrupted global energy flows.

“While inflation remains contained for now, geopolitical risks have tilted the inflation outlook to the upside,” Moody’s said in its credit opinion report on India.

The federal government had in January projected real GDP growth for the 2026-27 fiscal year at 6.8%-7.2%.

Moody’s projected inflation to average 4.8% in FY27, up from 2.4% a year ago. The agency said that with inflation risks re-emerging and growth remaining robust, the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) is likely to hold the policy rates or even raise them gradually in fiscal 2026–27, “depending on the duration of geopolitical tensions and their pass-through to food and fuel prices.”

The RBI Monetary Policy Committee began its three-day meeting on Monday to review interest rates and the inflation outlook. The central bank has slashed interest rates by a cumulative 125 basis points since February 2025.

Moody’s also cited subdued private consumption, softer industrial activity, elevated prices, and higher input costs as factors that underscore its revised projections.

India and Azerbaijan have started the process of resetting bilateral ties, which were strained amid the brief military struggle between New Delhi and Islamabad last year.

Senior Indian and Azerbaijani officials met in Baku for the 6th round of Foreign Office consultations last week, an official statement said.

Indian Foreign Ministry Secretary (West) Sibi George co-chaired the meeting with Azerbaijani Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Elnur Mammadov.

The officials reviewed the current state of bilateral relations with regards to areas of mutual interest, including trade, technology, tourism, pharmaceuticals, energy, culture, people-to-people exchanges, and the fight against cross-border terrorism.

Press release on the visit of Secretary (West) @AmbSibiGeorge to Azerbaijan https://t.co/tfxGIqZGIB pic.twitter.com/06AuajcCEz

— India in Azerbaijan (@indembassybaku) April 3, 2026

New Delhi will host the next round of Foreign Office Consultations between the two nations.

The India-Azerbaijan bilateral talks in Baku were the first since 2022.

New Delhi had reportedly been upset with Azerbaijan after the country protested India’s military strikes on Pakistan in the aftermath of several terror attacks in the Indian union territory of Jammu and Kashmir in 2025.

Azerbaijan’s Foreign Ministry at the time “condemned military attacks against the Islamic Republic of Pakistan that killed and injured several civilians.”

Baku also urged all parties to “exercise restraint and to resolve the conflict through diplomatic means.”

The ties between New Delhi and Baku have been on the mend recently. Azerbaijan has facilitated the safe passage of more than 200 Indians fleeing US-Israel strikes on Iran.

In September, Baku resumed crude oil exports to New Delhi, which had been halted following a pricing dispute that lasted nearly 10 months. Crude oil accounts for 98% of Azerbaijan’s exports to India.

India’s ONGC Videsh has a stake in oil and gas fields and an energy pipeline in Azerbaijan.

India, Russia, and China are the only powers that can combine to stop the US-Israeli war on Iran, leading American academic Prof. Jeffrey Sachs has said.

The Middle East conflict has to be stopped by “grown-ups,” he told Afshin Rattansi on the New Order program aired on RT.

“There are only three grown-ups in this world right now to stop this, and they should stop this together,” Sachs, the director of the Center for Sustainable Development at Columbia University, said.

“Prime Minister [Narendra] Modi, President Xi Jinping, and President Vladimir Putin. They are the leaders of the other three superpowers of the world,” he added.

🚨NEW EPISODE OF NEW ORDER🌐

Prof. Jeffrey Sachs: Only India🇮🇳, Russia🇷🇺 & China🇨🇳 Can Stop ‘PSYCHOPATH’ Trump’s War on Iran

How will Iran retaliate if Trump tries to bomb Iran back to the Stone Age?

How will the unprecedented economic crisis hit the Global South nations?

How… pic.twitter.com/rJVYJ8uXOs

— New Order with Afshin Rattansi (@NewOrder_TV) April 5, 2026

He said the leaders of these countries have a stake in the world not imploding.

Sachs also said that part of Israel’s political leadership is in a “6th-century BC” mentality.

“My view is that the only ones who can do this are the BRICS,” he said when asked about Pakistan’s reported attempt to broker peace.

“One should not be a friend of [Israeli Prime Minister] Benjamin Netanyahu, right now. India, as a great country and a superpower, should not be aligning with Israel, which has just committed a genocide in Gaza” Sachs added.
“This is not a friendship, a strategic alliance, or a partnership,” he said, referring to India’s ties with Israel. “This is not in India’s interests.”

Sachs cited India’s BRICS presidency as the main reason it is a candidate to broker peace. “Second, it isn’t pleasant dealing with Donald Trump… so it is better to do it together with partners.”

He said India’s ties with Iran also go back a long way, making it an ideal mediator.

Sachs described Western countries as “owned and operated” by the US, and said India should not repeat the line of these “vassal states.”

The liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) shortages that India faces as a result of the Middle East conflict have highlighted the need to strengthen the resilience of the nation’s most politically sensitive fuel.

Data from the Petroleum Planning and Analysis Cell (PPAC) shows that LPG consumption reached 31.32 million tonnes in 2024-25, while domestic production was 12.79 million tonnes. This means that close to 60% of demand was met by imports, most of which transit through the conflict‑hit Strait of Hormuz.

When flows through this corridor were disrupted, India’s LPG supply chain came under immediate strain. Arrivals fell sharply, March imports dropped to 1.19 million tonnes, a 46% decline, triggering spillovers into the domestic economy.

The government moved swiftly to prioritize household consumption while tightening supplies to industry, even as limited storage, barely 2-3 weeks of demand, narrowed the response window. New Delhi simultaneously invoked emergency measures to maximize refinery LPG output, with domestic production rising by roughly 40% in early March and scrambled for cargoes from alternative suppliers such as the US and Norway.

In this reshuffle, Russia, already India’s largest crude supplier, has emerged as a marginal LPG source. The key constraints, however, are limited volumes and complex logistics.

India’s structural LPG dependence

India’s LPG imports have risen steadily, from 14.81 million tonnes in 2019-20 to 20.67 million tonnes in 2024-25 following the expansion of clean‑cooking access and rising consumption. Over the same period, domestic production has remained broadly flat at around 12-13 million tonnes, even as consumption increased from 26.33 million tonnes to 31.32 million tonnes. As a result, imports have absorbed most of the incremental demand, pushing their share to around two‑thirds of total consumption.

The crisis has also exposed a weaker link in India’s LPG chain of limited storage capacity. PPAC’s latest LPG Profile Report puts total LPG tankage at about 1.2 million tonnes, equivalent to roughly 15 days of national demand. Bottling plants on average hold only around six days of stock, so even short‑lived disruptions leave policymakers with little room for maneuver and quickly amplify external shocks.

Russian routes: Ust‑Luga, Vladivostok, and the NSR

Reports suggest that India increasingly secures LPG cargoes from Russia and Japan as well as the US. Given that India consumes 2.6 million tonnes of LPG a month, around 80,000-90,000 tonnes a day, even several alternative cargoes, typically 40,000-60,000 tonnes each, cover only a few days of national demand. Initial Russian and Japanese supplies are therefore strategic hedges, not game‑changers.

But diversifying suppliers is not the same as diversifying routes. That is why Russia and longer‑range corridors such as the Northern Sea Route and the proposed Chennai-Vladivostok maritime corridor have entered the policy debate as they offer route diversity when the Middle East is on fire.

Indian strategists see two broad corridors for these volumes. A western route runs from the Baltic or Black Sea through the Mediterranean, Suez Canal and Red Sea into the Arabian Sea, bypassing Hormuz but adding exposure at Suez and Bab el‑Mandeb; deliveries to Kochi, Mangaluru, or Jamnagar would take around 40 days or more.

An eastern route departs from Russia’s Far East around Vladivostok, passes through the Sea of Japan, the East and South China seas, and the Strait of Malacca, and then across the Bay of Bengal to India’s east coast, reaching Haldia, Paradip, or Ennore in 12-24 days. This corridor concentrates risk in Malacca, crowded with container traffic and lying under Chinese naval shadow, but it fits India’s broader Indo‑Pacific calculus if eventually anchored in a formal Chennai-Vladivostok link.

For now, talk of the Northern Sea Route as an energy lifeline is more ambitious than a near‑term solution. Harsh ice conditions, the small fleet of ice‑class tankers and LNG carriers certified for Arctic operations, high insurance premiums, and sanctions on key Russian Arctic oil and gas projects limit the commercial viability of NSR‑based LPG trades in the near term.

Even with record traffic of about 38 million tonnes in 2024, total NSR cargo is still a fraction of the hundreds of millions of tonnes moving through the Suez Canal each year, which is why most analysts see it as a niche supplement rather than a realistic replacement for existing routes.

Yet both capitals are clearly intent on keeping the Vladivostok-Chennai Eastern Maritime Corridor on the table as an option, with Indian ministers describing it as operational and highlighting its early role in carrying crude and other bulk cargoes between Russia’s Far East and India’s east coast.

Security premium, signaling and political calculus

Russia’s role as a swing supplier is about redrawing risk, not replacing the Gulf. India imported around 20.67 million tonnes of LPG in 2024-25, implying an import requirement of 1.7-1.9 million tonnes per month and leaving overseas supplies to meet the bulk of domestic demand. Even under optimistic assumptions, Russia’s incremental export capacity can cover only a small share of this requirement, broadly comparable to the eventual scale of India’s long‑term LPG arrangement with the United States, so alternative suppliers can buffer shocks but not substitute the Gulf.

There is also a domestic political dimension. LPG is the flagship symbol of the government’s clean‑cooking drive, and a prolonged shortage would be far more electorally damaging than a technical disruption in refinery crude runs. This is why official communications during the crisis have stressed refinery output ramp‑ups and diversified sourcing, amplified by images of VLGCs discharging LPG at Indian ports, alongside repeated assurances that people’s fuel needs will be met.

For policymakers, the strategic choice is how much to invest in tanks at home versus miles at sea, whether to expand LPG storage or pay a premium for Russian and other non‑Hormuz cargoes, since Russia cannot replace the Gulf but, via routes from Ust‑Luga through Suez and from Vladivostok through Malacca, does give New Delhi a way to recast supply risk beyond West Asia.

For Moscow, stepping in as a dependable swing supplier, even at modest volumes, cements its image in India as a long‑term energy partner rather than a crisis‑time outlier.

India has inducted a warship capable of carrying BrahMos supersonic missiles into its naval fleet.

The advanced stealth frigate, INS Taragiri, was commissioned at Visakhapatnam, the headquarters of the Eastern Naval Command, by Defense Minister Rajnath Singh on Friday.

“This commissioning highlights the strategic and maritime importance of India’s eastern seaboard as well as the Indian Navy’s sustained focus on strengthening its combat readiness and operational might while strongly reinforcing the objectives of Aatmanirbhar Bharat [Self-reliant India],” Singh said in a post on X.

⚓️ Legacy Reborn. Power Redefined.

Presenting the story of INS Taragiri - a journey of strength, stealth and indigenous excellence, reflecting India’s rise as a formidable maritime power.

From legacy to the future fleet, Taragiri stands ready to safeguard the seas.… pic.twitter.com/T8bigXfQkD

— SpokespersonNavy (@indiannavy) April 3, 2026

INS Taragiri was designed by the Warship Design Bureau and built by Mazagon Dock Shipbuilders Limited, Singh said.

The 6,670-tonne warship, built with over 75% indigenous content, signifies a major advancement in naval engineering and the ‘Make in India’ initiative. Taragiri boasts of a powerful weapon suite and advanced systems for versatile maritime operations.

It is designed for high-speed, high-endurance operations and is driven by a Combined Diesel or Gas propulsion plant.

Apart from BrahMos, the ship is also equipped with medium-range surface-to-air missiles and an anti-submarine warfare suite, according to reports.

BrahMos supersonic cruise missiles are jointly developed by India’s Defense Research and Development Organization and Russia’s NPO Mashinostroyeniya rocket design bureau, which produces Oniks missiles.

INS Taragiri is also envisaged to play a key role in humanitarian assistance and disaster relief operations, apart from its combat potential.

India and China have held talks aimed at expanding bilateral trade, on the sidelines of the World Trade Organization’s ministerial conference, Commerce Minister Piyush Goyal has said.

The talks between Commerce Minister Piyush Goyal and his Chinese counterpart, Wang Wentao, come amid a thaw in trade tensions

“Met Mr. Wang Wentao, Minister of Commerce of China, on the sidelines of the #WTOMC14. Exchanged views on the MC-14 agenda and discussed bilateral trade matters,” Goyal said in a post on X on Thursday.

This is the first time since New Delhi backed out of the China-led Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) negotiations in 2019 that the trade ministers of both sides held discussions.

Met Mr. Wang Wentao, Minister of Commerce of China, on the sidelines of the #WTOMC14.

Exchanged views on the MC-14 agenda and discussed bilateral trade matters. pic.twitter.com/Rw613FCzfn

— Piyush Goyal (@PiyushGoyal) March 27, 2026

Goyal said he discussed ways to expand trade and generate trust to facilitate bilateral trade with his Chinese counterpart.

The talks were aimed at providing greater opportunity for India’s pharmaceuticals, engineering goods, fish, and farm product exporters, he added.

Wang welcomed India’s active participation in initiatives such as the ‘Big Market for All: Export to China’, and encouraged New Delhi to make use of platforms, including the China International Import Expo and the China-South Asia Expo to expand exports.

India’s trade deficit with China surpassed $100 billion for the first time during the period of April-February.

The country’s exports to China increased nearly 38% to $17.5 billion, but imports also rose 15% to reach $119.55 billion.

Russian Deputy Prime Minister Denis Manturov has held talks with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi in New Delhi.

After the meeting on Thursday, Modi said the sides had discussed mutually beneficial cooperation in trade, fertilizers, connectivity, and people-to-people ties between India and Russia.

The South Asian nation, which is the world’s second largest fertilizer importer, is looking to boost fertilizer imports from Russia, Belarus, and Morocco as a supply crunch looms due to the Middle East conflict.

The Middle East accounts for about half of India’s fertilizer imports, while Saudi Arabia is its largest diammonium phosphate (DAP) provider and Oman the biggest urea supplier.

Modi and Manturov also discussed the implementation of the outcomes of the 23rd India-Russia Annual Summit.

“Welcomed the sustained efforts from both sides to implement the outcomes of the 23rd India-Russia Annual Summit held during President [Vladimir] Putin’s visit to India last December,” Modi said in a post on X.

🇷🇺🇮🇳 On April 2, #Russia’s First Deputy PM Denis Manturov paid a working visit to #India, during which he was received by PM @narendramodi.

Meetings were also held with EAM @DrSJaishankar, NSA Ajit Doval & Finance Minister @nsitharaman.

👉🏻 https://t.co/Pa37FHt39y#RussiaIndia https://t.co/ISifLrOt0v pic.twitter.com/w1MDwknwfv

— Russia in India 🇷🇺 (@RusEmbIndia) April 2, 2026

Manturov, who is co-chair of the India-Russia Inter-Governmental Commission on Trade, Economic, Scientific, Technological and Cultural Cooperation (IRIGC-TEC), also held talks with Foreign Minister S Jaishankar, Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman, and National Security Adviser Ajit Doval.

The visit assumes significance as New Delhi prepares to host a BRICS summit in September. President Putin is likely to travel to participate in the summit, Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Andrey Rudenko said earlier this week.

Manturov is also reportedly laying the groundwork for Modi’s proposed visit to Moscow later this year, as indicated by Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov last month.

The people of India’s union territory of Jammu and Kashmir see Russia as a counterbalance to the hegemony of Western nations, lawmaker Syed Ruhullah Mehdi has told RT India.

Mehdi said those emotionally affected by the war on Iran, expect Russia to take a line or stand that would be helpful to Tehran. 

“Because at the end of the day, Russia is a power globally which we see as a counterbalancing factor against this hegemony,” Mehdi said in the latest episode of India, Russia, and the World with Runjhun Sharma. “Russia will not let their friends be alone in this fight for survival and fight for their existence.” 

He added that those with such a line of thought “would preferably see Russia playing a pro-active role in this conflict.” 

The politician termed India’s lack of mediation in the conflict “a lost opportunity” as the country is “better suited and was closer to Iran.” He added, “Pakistan is being seen as a potential negotiator in this neighborhood, mind you, where India is a prominent country.” 

The West has no moral authority to talk about killing. “If that is to be taken as an argument, what about the genocide that was carried out in Gaza very recently. More than 70,000 people were killed,” he said. He also pointed out that the US is the only country that has used a nuclear bomb and killed hundreds of thousands.

Mehdi said Ayatollah Khamenei’s martyrdom has been a blessing for the unity of Ummah or the Muslim society. It is for the people of Iran to judge if their government has oppressed its people, Mehdi, who is also a Shia cleric, added.

Russian Deputy Prime Minister Denis Manturov has arrived on a two-day state visit to India as New Delhi prepares to host a BRICS summit in September.

President Vladimir Putin is likely to participate in the BRICS summit, Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Rudenko Andrey Yurevich said on Wednesday.

Manturov’s visit is expected to initiate the groundwork for the BRICS summit and for Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Moscow later this year.

Manturov is scheduled to hold talks with Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar. He is also due to meet National Security Adviser Ajit Doval and Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman.

The Russian minister’s visit, accompanied by a defense delegation, also assumes significance as India and Russia are boosting collaboration in the defense sector.

In March, India approved proposals to buy defense equipment worth $25 billion, including Russian‑made S‑400 air defense missile systems, as well as various types of aircraft and artillery systems, as part of a rapid military modernization drive.

The S-400 systems demonstrated their capabilities during the brief military standoff between India and Pakistan in 2025.

Manturov’s visit is also expected to kickstart talks to lay the broad contours of a potential visit by Modi to Russia later this year. Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov said last month that Modi is slated to visit the country for his annual summit with Putin.

US tech giant Oracle has laid off 12,000 employees in India, the PTI news agency has reported. Globally, the company has cut around 30,000 employees, according to media reports.

Oracle employs about 30,000 people in India, including those affected by the present round of layoffs.

The impacted workers told the Moneycontrol website that another round of job cuts is likely within a month.

Oracle informed the affected employees about organizational changes in an email sent at 6 AM, stating that “a decision has been taken to streamline the operations, and as a result, unfortunately, the position you currently hold will become redundant,” according to Moneycontrol.

The company has reportedly offered 15 days’ salary for each completed year of service for the fired employees in India. It has also offered leave encashment, gratuity based on eligibility, and pay for a one-month notice period, apart from a two-month salary as a top-up for laid-off employees.

The development comes as Oracle increases capital expenditure to build data center infrastructure capable of handling artificial intelligence (AI) workloads.

A 2025 report by the Indian government think tank NITI Aayog estimates that up to 20% of jobs in IT services and call centers in India could be impacted by automation by 2031.

A Citrini Research report titled ‘The 2028 Global Intelligence Crisis’ estimated that by 2028, India’s IT services industry could slow down dramatically as clients shift to AI coding agents at significantly lower costs.

India’s largest IT services company, Tata Consultancy Services (TCS), laid off around 12,000 employees, representing roughly 2% of its global workforce in 2025. Nearly 700 Amazon employees in India lost their jobs in January as part of a restructuring process. Microsoft cut around 15,000 jobs globally in 2025.

India has hiked aviation fuel prices for international flights amid a surge in oil prices globally due to the Middle East conflict.

Aviation Turbine Fuel (ATF) prices have more than doubled to a record $2,220.45 per kiloliter, according to India’s Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas.

ATF prices in India were deregulated in 2001 and are revised on a monthly basis, based on a formula involving international benchmarks.

“Due to the closure of the Strait of Hormuz and extraordinary situation in global energy markets, the price of ATF for domestic markets was expected to increase by more than 100% on April 1,” the ministry said.

ATF prices in India were deregulated in 2001 and are revised on monthly basis based on a formula of international benchmarks. Due to the closure of Strait of Hormuz and extraordinary situation in global energy markets, price of ATF for domestic markets was expected to increase by…

— Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas #MoPNG (@PetroleumMin) April 1, 2026

To insulate domestic travel costs from the substantial increase in international prices, state-backed oil companies have passed on a partial and staggered increase of 25% ($0.16 per liter) to airlines operating domestic flights.

Other carriers, including charter operators, will pay the full market rate. For them, prices have risen by $1,187.49 per kiloliter, or 114.5%, to $2,224.11 per kiloliter, the statement said.

This is the first time ATF prices in India have crossed the $2,145.36 per kiloliter mark. The previous high was recorded in 2022, when rates climbed to around $1,179.95 per kiloliter following the Ukraine conflict.

The federal government also hiked commercial natural gas prices by $2.09 per 19-kg cylinder in line with global trends.

However, domestic natural gas, gasoline, and diesel prices remained unchanged.

State-backed fuel retailers Indian Oil Corporation, Bharat Petroleum, and Hindustan Petroleum normally revise ATF and liquified petroleum gas (LPG) prices on the first day of every month based on international benchmarks and exchange rates.

Russia and India should boost their collaboration on energy security to support the Global South’s requirements, foreign affairs expert Robindra Nath Sachdev has told RT India.

US President Donald Trump has urged allies facing high fuel prices to get their “own oil” from the Strait of Hormuz amid the US-Israeli war on Iran. Restoring free shipping through the Strait of Hormuz is not among Washington’s military objectives, and it expects other nations to tackle the issue, US officials have said.

“The way I take a message from this entire crisis is that India should wake up and should get real. We depend upon imported crude oil, imported energy, imported LPG, and imported coal – even for our electric plants,” Sachdev told RT India.

He said there was a need for great cooperation between Russia and India.

“India should fast-track its thorium program. I mean, on the entire spectrum of energy, let us see where we are. Let’s get real,” he said.

India’s organic energy capacity should be boosted, he added.

“We have the world’s largest reserves of thorium. We have the most advanced technology program in Thorium. We’ve not been able to convert it into industrial grade so far,” he said, blaming bureaucratic and scientific delays.

Sachdev said India and Russia could collaborate and develop the technology.

This can be bundled for India’s energy security, he said, adding, “this bundle of technology and raw material can be sold, provided to the countries of the Global South.”

India can avoid geopolitical and supply chain risks by shifting to a thorium-based cycle to fuel its nuclear reactors, analysts have said.

This would pave the way for the Global South to get genuine energy security from a balanced source like India, Sachdev said.

He added that it’s time for the rest of the world to wake up, diversify, and not be dependent on just one source of energy.

India’s Ministry of Defense last week signed a contract worth 4.5 billion Indian rupees ($46 million) with Russia’s state-owned Rosoboronexport for the procurement of the Tunguska air defense missile system for the Indian Army. These cutting-edge missiles will enhance India’s multi-layered air defense capabilities against aerial threats including aircraft drones and cruise missiles. The agreement will further strengthen the Indo-Russian strategic defense partnership.

Meanwhile, the Defense Acquisition Council (DAC) headed by Defense Minister Rajnath Singh on Friday cleared a proposal to procure five additional S-400 long range surface-to-air missile systems for the Indian Air Force from Russia, months after the S-400 systems demonstrated their outstanding capabilities during Operation Sindoor, the short but instance military standoff between India and Pakistan in May 2025. 

AD systems in modern wars

Ongoing conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East have re-emphasized the importance of potent Air Defense (AD) systems. These are critical, multi-layered, and technology-driven frameworks that play a decisive role in modern warfare by protecting assets, denying enemy air superiority, and facilitating offensive operations. Modern AD systems have transitioned from purely defensive tools to strategic enablers.

As part of the “layered defense strategy,” modern AD systems (S-400, Patriot, and Iron Dome) combine long-range, medium-range, and short-range radars and missiles to protect high-value targets, cities, command and control centers, military assets, and nuclear sites against varied threats. In addition to combat aircraft and missiles, AD systems are essential for detecting and destroying small, inexpensive drones, which are used to saturate, deceive, and damage defenses as part of the counter-drone capabilities.

Suppression of Enemy Air Defenses (SEAD) has thus become an important mission for air operations. The modern AD systems have to adapt to engage emerging threats such as high-speed ballistic missiles, ultra-low flying cruise missiles and hypersonic threats. Modern AD is also integrated with Electronic Warfare (EW) systems that can jam or blind enemy sensors and guidance, providing a “soft-kill” alternative to physical destruction.

Mobility is important to enable “Shoot and Scoot” capability by allowing them to change positions rapidly to avoid detection. Possessing a robust AD shield acts as a major deterrent and gives nations a stronger hand during diplomatic and military crises. Modern AD operates within an Integrated Air and Missile Defense (IAMD) ecosystem, also called the “system of systems” that connects radars, satellites, weapon platforms, and in-flight weapons, to provide a real-time, comprehensive air picture. Future development focuses on Directed Energy Weapons (DEWs) to counteract the high cost of interceptor missiles, with some systems potentially costing as little as $2,000 per shot.

Countries are investing in domestic AD technologies (India’s Akash and Kusha AD Systems) to reduce dependence on foreign imports and ensure the ability to produce systems at scale. In contemporary combat, AD systems determine the ability of a military to operate and survive. As seen in recent conflicts, the ability to protect key assets and deny the airspace to an adversary is often the deciding factor in war.

Highly efficient solution

The 2K22 Tunguska (NATO: SA-19 Grison) is a Soviet-era tracked, self-propelled, anti-aircraft system that combines guns and missiles for short-range air defense (SHORAD). It is a unique hybrid platform that combines both surface-to-air missiles (9M311, 10 km range) and high-speed anti-aircraft twin 30 mm auto-cannons for close-in defense, firing up to 5,000 rounds per minute, effective from 200m to 4km against air targets. The single chassis provides comprehensive protection. Its 360-degree radar can detect threats up to 18 km away, along with a digital fire control system for high precision.

The missile component can strike targets at altitudes of up to 3,500 meters, filling the gap between man-portable systems and long-range high-altitude batteries. All-terrain tracked armored chassis, allows it to keep pace with tanks and infantry fighting vehicles across rugged terrain and in diverse weather conditions. The system includes back-up optical tracking capabilities, allowing engaging targets even if the radar is being jammed by enemy electronic warfare.

As modern warfare shifts toward drone-heavy tactics, for India, Tunguska’s rapid-fire guns provided a cost-effective and highly efficient solution to swarm threats. It will strengthen India’s multi-layered air defense network, acting as a vital shield for mobile army columns that are vulnerable to sudden aerial strikes.

Potent deterrent: S-400 ‘Sudarshan Chakra’

The S-400 is a Russian mobile SAM system, developed in the 1990s by Russia’s NPO Almaz as an upgrade to the S-300 family of missiles, joined the Russian armed forces in 2007. The system is complemented by its successor, the S-500.

The system has four radars and four sets of missiles covering different ranges. The maximum target detection range is 600 kilometers and targets can be engaged as far as 400 kilometers. The five batteries of S-400 contracted by India in 2018 cost $5.43 billion, including with reserve missiles.

The system's ground mobility speed is close to 60 km/h on roads and 25 km/h cross-country. It takes five minutes to be operational and fire when ordered while driving. Otherwise system response time is just 10 seconds. Time between major overhauls is 10,000 hours. Its service life is at least 20 years.

In Russia the system was made operational around Moscow in 2007. Russia reportedly deployed the S-400 in Syria. The system has been widely used in the on-going conflict in Ukraine, and there are claims it has shot-down many aircraft. Meanwhile Ukraine has reportedly used Western weapons, mainly US-made ATACMS missiles, to hit S-400 units on the ground.

Belarus has unspecified numbers of S-400 units. Deliveries to China, of the six batteries ordered began in in January 2018. Four batteries consisting of 36 fire units and 192 or more missiles were delivered to Turkey. Algeria is another operator. Some other countries like Iran, Egypt, Iraq and Serbia have also shown interest. South Korea is developing the KM-SAM, a medium-range SAM system based on technology from S-400 missiles, with assistance from NPO Almaz.

India took deliveries despite the American threat of invoking CAATSA (Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act). The recent conflict has revealed the rough location of two systems, one each being in Punjab and Gujarat. As per open sources, the third is somewhere in the east. The systems have been tested in various Indian military exercises.

At the 16th L.M. Katre Memorial Lecture in Bengaluru in August 2025, Indian Air Force Chief Air Chief Marshal AP Singh lauded the S-400 air defense system as a potent deterrent. The S-400’s lethality, and the accuracy of BrahMos supersonic cruise missiles were a game changer in Operation Sindoor. He highlighted the system’s operational success, strategic value in protecting Indian airspace, and contribution to maintaining an edge in regional air security. Despite geo-political challenges, the Indian Air Force had maintained interest in acquiring additional S-400 systems to further strengthen air defense. Clearly the side with better air defense systems could inflict significant damage and deter the adversary from carrying out strikes.

For a long time, the Indian Air Force’s strategy, tactics and therefore inventories have been designed for offensive-defense. During Operation Sindoor, nearly five Pakistani fighter aircraft were reportedly shot down by the Indian S-400. Interestingly, the S-400 achieved its farthest kill ever by destroying a High Value Air Asset (HVAA) at reportedly 314 kilometers. These were over and above the aircraft destroyed during airfield strikes, Air Chief had said.

During its retaliatory strikes on Indian military targets, Pakistan claimed that two S-400 systems at Adampur and Bhuj were neutralized. International media acknowledged that all such claims were false. It was later revealed that after firing their missiles the S-400 elements were moved as a standard tactic. Immediately after the ceasefire, Indian Prime Minister Modi visited Adampur and addressed the personnel with the S-400 launcher in the background. A similar visit was made by Defense Minister Rajnath Singh to Bhuj.

Several systems got universal praise during the conflict with Pakistan. These included the S-400 AD System, India’s indigenous Akash AD system, the DRDO 4D (Drone, Detect, Deter, Destroy) counter-drone system, and the BrahMos anti-surface missiles. French Scalp missile also proved extremely accurate and destructive.

Why India needs more S-400s

India is a continent-sized country, with a total geographical area of approximately 3.287 million square kilometers. India has a total land border of approximately 15,200 km, bordering seven nations. The total coastline measures 7,516 km. India is among the most threatened nations, with serious boundary disputes with two nuclear-armed neighbors. India has had military conflicts with both. A much smaller country, Israel (land area 20,770 square kilometers) has around 10 mobile “Iron Dome” defense batteries.

Thus India’s decision to obtain five additional S-400 systems make imminent sense. In the long run India will require close to 20 such systems. These will be achieved by inducting the indigenous “Kusha” AD system which will be of S-400 and later S-500 class.

More avenues

Aerospace has become the primary domain in modern warfare, and this reality dovetails with the depth of India–Russia defense ties. Nearly 60% of Indian Air Force aircraft are of Russian origin, and Russian platforms and weapons have served India for decades, starting with the MiG‑21s of the 1960s. More recently, the S‑400 and the Su‑30MKI–BrahMos combination have performed strongly in Operation Sindoor, underscoring the continued relevance of this partnership.

Against this backdrop, several logical avenues for future cooperation suggest themselves: higher‑tier air and missile defense systems such as the S‑500; potential participation in fifth‑generation fighter programs like the Su‑57 under a Make in India framework; and deeper collaboration on undersea deterrence, including support for India’s nuclear submarine ambitions. There is also scope for co‑development of long‑range air‑to‑air and air‑to‑surface missiles – building on systems such as the R‑37M – comprehensive upgrades of the Su‑30MKI fleet, and joint ventures in loitering munitions and kamikaze drones, where both sides face large-scale requirements and India can contribute industrial capacity.

In an era where control of the air and near‑space is increasingly decisive, India and Russia have both the legacy and the technological base to move their aerospace partnership into new, more advanced domains.

Moscow has announced several high-level engagements with New Delhi in the coming weeks as tensions in the Middle East continue to squeeze energy supplies.

Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov and First Deputy Prime Minister Denis Manturov will visit India, Deputy Foreign Minister Andrey Rudenko said following Russian‑Indian inter‑ministerial consultations in New Delhi on Tuesday.

While the dates for Manturov’s visit are not clear, Lavrov will be in the Indian capital on May 14-15, where he will participate in the BRICS foreign ministers’ meeting.

Tehran has formally requested that New Delhi use its BRICS chair to call for a consensus on the US-Israel war on Iran.
Iran and the UAE, both full members of BRICS, no longer have diplomatic relations.

Sergey Lavrov to Visit New Delhi for BRICS Meeting in May

The Russian Foreign Minister will be in the Indian capital on May 14-15 to participate in the meeting of the BRICS foreign ministers.

Lavrov's participation was confirmed by Deputy Foreign Minister Andrei Rudenko… pic.twitter.com/Mv6QYC3grs

— RT_India (@RT_India_news) March 31, 2026

India has increased its purchases of Russian oil since US President Donald Trump temporarily waived sanctions on crude from Russia. “Our Indian friends really consider this period, which began on March 12, as an opportunity to replenish those reserves [of energy resources] that have been depleted,” Rudenko said, according to TASS. “We are talking about spot supplies, on ships that set sail before March 12. Oil is sold at the market price.”

India scaled back purchases late last year under pressure from Washington, turning instead to Saudi Arabia and Iraq. Much of this Middle Eastern oil subsequently became trapped in the Persian Gulf after the US and Israel started their war against Iran, squeezing availability and pushing Brent crude prices to as high as $120 per barrel earlier this month.

New Delhi is now importing around 1.5 million barrels of Russian oil per day, a 50% increase from February.

India and Russia are also discussing the resumption of the direct sales of Russian liquefied natural gas (LNG) for the first time since the Ukraine conflict escalated. 
 

India has decided to relax kerosene safety and distribution rules in an attempt to deal with a shortage of natural gas affecting several parts of the country.

The measures, that will be in place for 60 days, will allow for the sale of kerosene at select filling stations in 21 states and union territories, the Petroleum and Natural Gas Ministry said on Sunday.

The move is aimed at speeding up storage, movement and last-mile delivery, as many parts of India face disruptions in energy supplies on account of the crisis in the Middle East.

”Amid the evolving situation in West Asia, the Government of India is maintaining continuous oversight and implementing appropriate preparedness and response measures to ensure stability across key sectors,” the ministry said in a statement. “Efforts remain focused on sustaining uninterrupted energy supplies, safeguarding maritime operations, and extending necessary assistance to Indian nationals in the region.”

The South Asian nation is now discussing the resumption of direct purchases of liquefied natural gas (LNG) from Russia for the first time since the Ukraine conflict escalated. 

Last week, New Delhi said it had enough fuel stocks to cover the country’s need for at least 60 days.

India, the world’s fourth largest refiner and fifth largest exporter of petroleum products, is supplying refined fuel to over 150 countries, the Petroleum and Natural Gas Ministry said.

On Saturday, India supplied 38,000 metric tons of fuel to Sri Lanka, after the island nation’s President Anura Kumara Dissanayake made a special request to Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The consignment includes 20,000 tons of diesel and 18,000 tons of gasoline.

For the first time in modern Russian cinema, Russian producers, in partnership with the Indian and international film industry, have completed a major cross-border project: The musical comedy ‘Persimmon of My Love’. The film is set to be released in Russia next week.

The movie was filmed entirely in India, using the infrastructure of Indian cities and the full production capabilities of Bollywood. More than 350 Indian and international crew members worked on set every day, with up to 1,000 people appearing on screen together, in keeping with the visual spectacle traditionally associated with Bollywood, the producers said in a statement.

They noted that the project is especially significant against the backdrop of expanding cultural and economic cooperation between Russia and India, as well as broader collaboration among BRICS partners.

The film was produced by TNT TV and MyWayStudio, with support from the Russian Cinema Fund and the involvement of Indian partners. Well-known Russian film and television actors Demis Karibidis and Mikhail Galustyan star as brothers Ramash and Shamar. The cast also includes popular Russian actors such as Adila Ragimova, Albina Kabalina, Artur Vakha, and Sergey Rost.

🎬 ‘Bollywood Dreams Realised’: Actress Adila Ragimova Calls ‘Pyaar’ the Most Important Word After 🇷🇺-🇮🇳 Film Collaboration ‘Persimmon of My Love’

The musical comedy premieres in Moscow on April 1. https://t.co/UIMXQhYJxe pic.twitter.com/bqmSS9JOim

— RT_India (@RT_India_news) March 27, 2026

“Russia and India have developed a strong partnership for decades, and culture has always played an important role in that relationship. We started working in India with an international team long before cooperation between our countries became a global trend,” Tina Kandelaki, the director of TNT TV, said. “This film shows how organically the creative traditions of the two countries can merge: Bollywood's emotions and music and the Russian drama school.”

Filming took place in Mumbai, the hub of the Bollywood industry, and in the historic cities of Udaipur and Jodhpur in Rajasthan, showcasing India’s rich historical and cultural heritage.

“As you can see, it’s a beautiful, vibrant and well-made film. And I believe that it’s a leap into a new wave of friendship, both in the realm of culture and between nations,” she added.

The Indian government on Friday approved proposals to buy defense equipment worth $25 billion, including Russian‑made S‑400 air defense missile systems, various types of aircraft, and artillery systems, as part of a rapid military modernization drive.

The procurement proposals were cleared by the Defense Acquisition Council (DAC), the Defense Ministry's highest decision‑making body on military purchases, chaired by Defense Minister Rajnath Singh.

An official statement from the ministry said the approvals include additional Russian S‑400 Triumph systems, transport aircraft to replace the country’s ageing fleet of Soviet‑era An‑32 and Il‑76 planes, and various artillery systems. The procurements also cover armor‑piercing tank ammunition, gun systems and aerial surveillance systems for the army, life‑extension upgrades for Su‑30 fighter jets operated by the air force, and hovercraft for the coastguard, the ministry said.

Separately, the ministry signed a 4.45‑billion‑rupee ($47 million) contract on Friday with Russia’s military exporter, Rosoboronexport, to acquire Tunguska air defense missile systems for the army.

In total, India has approved 55 proposals worth 6.73 trillion rupees ($71 billion) and signed contracts for another 503 proposals amounting to 2.28 trillion rupees in the fiscal year ending March 31, the statement said, adding that both figures are the highest in a single financial year.

India is the world’s fifth‑largest military spender and the second‑largest arms importer after Ukraine, according to the latest data from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute. Over 60% of Indian weaponry is of Soviet or Russian origin, although the country has been actively seeking technologies and equipment from a wider range of suppliers, including France, the US, Israel, and Germany, while also increasing the share of domestically developed and produced systems.

What began as a conflict centered on Iran’s nuclear infrastructure and regional power balance has rapidly transformed the strategic geography of global trade and energy flows. For Africa, the consequences could be profound as the crisis risks exacerbating existing rivalries along the Red Sea basin while simultaneously exposing African nations to economic shocks and geopolitical pressures. From the impact of soaring oil prices to disruptions in trade flows and shipping costs, the continent may once again confront the spillover effects of a crisis originating outside its borders.

One of the most consequential outcomes for Africa would be the renewed centrality of the Red Sea. With Iran effectively controlling the Strait of Hormuz, one of the world’s most critical oil chokepoints, attention has now shifted westward toward the Red Sea and the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, which are emerging as indispensable corridors for global shipping.

The US on Thursday warned that the Houthis (Ansar Allah movement) could start firing on vessels in the Bab el-Mandeb Strait after Tehran raised the possibility of extending barriers to global shipping during the ongoing war. The US statement appeared after Iran’s Tasnim News Agency cited sources warning of the potential opening of a new “front” in the war in response to the Trump administration moving troops into the region.

Abdul-Malik al-Houthi, leader of Houthis, stated on Thursday that the movement could initiate participation in the conflict, depending on developments in the military situation. In a televised address, he emphasized that the movement has never hesitated to fulfill what he described as its Islamic duty in jihad against the United States and Israel, calling for support of Iran through various means.

Port diplomacy

The Red Sea was already an arena of geopolitical competition even before the Iranian crisis erupted. Over the past decade, rivalries among regional powers, especially between Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, have transformed the region into a theater of competition.

A central instrument of the UAE’s strategy has been port diplomacy led by Dubai-based logistics giant DP World.

However, in recent years the UAE’s port diplomacy has hit several hurdles. For example, since 2018, Djibouti and DP World have been engaged in a standoff over the termination of the concession for the Doraleh container terminal. A London arbitration court recently ruled in favor of Djibouti, rejecting DP World’s claims for compensation.

The Red Sea’s importance is also reinforced by the dense concentration of military installations along its shores. Four African states, namely Egypt, Eritrea, Djibouti, and Sudan, border the Red Sea, and their ports have become focal points for external military presence. Djibouti alone hosts multiple foreign naval bases, including those of the US, France, Japan, and China. Beijing established its first overseas naval facility in Djibouti in 2017, underscoring the country’s strategic role at the entrance of the Red Sea.

Connectivity and regional security were also at the fore when, in December 2025, Israel decided to recognize the de facto sovereign country of Somaliland. While the ethical and legal implications of such recognition remain debated, Israel’s motivations appear strongly linked to maritime security. Israel is certainly interested in safeguarding the passage of the ships carrying goods to and from its ports through this channel.

Reports of possible Israeli plans to establish a military installation near Berbera further illustrate the strategic stakes. Such a move would likely intensify regional tensions, potentially opening another front in the already complex politics of the Horn of Africa. It could also deepen divisions between actors supporting Somaliland’s independence and those advocating Somalia’s territorial unity.

Yemen’s Houthi movement has received extensive financial, military, and other support from Tehran over decades, and described the appointment of Mojtaba Khamenei as the supreme leader of Iran as “a new victory for the Islamic Revolution.” Despite suffering recent military setbacks, the group possesses drones, mines, artillery, and anti-ship missiles capable of disrupting vessels transiting the Bab el-Mandeb Strait.

There are also concerns about potential cooperation between the Houthis and the Somali militant group al-Shabaab. Since 2024, the two organizations have reportedly collaborated in areas such as weapons smuggling, technical training, and logistical support. While the Houthis do not exercise direct command over al-Shabaab, the Somali group has previously indicated its willingness to expand piracy operations in the Gulf of Aden in exchange for Houthi backing. Such cooperation could dramatically increase risks for commercial shipping across the wider Red Sea region.

So far, the Houthis have refrained from launching major new attacks since the Iran crisis began, although they have warned that their “fingers are on the trigger.” The possibility of renewed hostilities remains significant. Even limited attacks could significantly raise insurance premiums and shipping costs, further destabilizing global supply chains.

Fragile security

In the coming months, two broad scenarios appear plausible. In the first, escalation in the Iran crisis triggers a cascade of regional confrontations involving state and non-state actors across the Gulf and the Red Sea. Such a development would severely disrupt maritime traffic and global oil flows. In the absence of Hormuz functioning normally, the Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea would become the only viable alternative corridor for energy exports, placing enormous pressure on an already fragile security environment.

The second scenario involves a temporary cooling-off period, during which regional and global actors prioritize safeguarding maritime commerce despite their broader political rivalries. In this case, the Red Sea could become an arena of pragmatic cooperation aimed at ensuring the free flow of shipping through Bab el-Mandeb and toward the Suez Canal.

Regardless of which trajectory emerges, the Red Sea is unlikely to grow calmer. Instead, the region may get divided into two or more opposing groups based on their vested interests. The Iran crisis has produced an unintended geopolitical outcome by shifting the center of maritime gravity westward. By destabilizing the Strait of Hormuz and threatening Gulf shipping lanes, the conflict has elevated the Red Sea from a secondary theater to a critical axis of global trade and strategic competition.

The real question, therefore, is not whether the Iran crisis will reshape the Red Sea region as the effects are already visible, but how intense and how prolonged this transformation will ultimately be.